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Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin

With this issue of the New Federalist, Vol. V, No. 39, we begin to

serialize the book, "George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography," by Webster

Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin. This book will soon be published by

"Executive Intelligence Review".

At the heart of any effort at biography is the attempt to discover the

essence of the subject as a human personality. The essential character of

the subject is what the biographer must strive to capture, since this is

the indispensable ingredient that will provide coherence to the entire

story whose unity must be provided by the course of a single human life.

During the preparation of the present work, there was one historical moment

which more than any other delineated the character of George Bush. The

scene was the Nixon White House during the final days of the Watergate

debacle. White House officials, including George Bush, had spent the

morning of that Monday, August 5, 1974 absorbing the impact of Nixon's

notorious "smoking gun" tape, the recorded conversation between Nixon and

his chief of staff, H.R. Haldemann, shortly after the original Watergate

break-in, which could now no longer be withheld from the public. In that

exchange of June 23, 1972, Nixon ordered that the CIA stop the FBI from

further investigating how various sums of money found their way from Texas

and Minnesota via Mexico City to the coffers of the Committee to Re-Elect

the President (CREEP) and thence into the pockets of the "Plumbers"

arrested in the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate building.

These revelations were widely interpreted as establishing a "prima facie"

case of obstruction of justice against Nixon. That was fine with George,

who sincerely wanted his patron and benefactor Nixon to resign. George's

great concern was that the smoking gun tape called attention to a

money-laundering mechanism which he, together with Bill Liedtke of

Pennzoil, and Robert Mosbacher, had helped to set up at Nixon's request.

When Nixon, in the "smoking gun" tape, talked about "the Texans" and "some

Texas people," Bush, Liedtke, and Mosbacher were among the most prominent

of those referred to. The threat to George's political ambitions was great.

The White House that morning was gripped by panic. Nixon would be gone

before the end of the week. In the midst of the furor, White House

Congressional liaison William Timmons wanted to know if everyone who needed

to be informed had been briefed about the smoking gun transcript. In a

roomful of officials, some of whom were already sipping Scotch to steady

their nerves, Timmons asked Dean Burch, "Dean, does Bush know about the

transcript yet?"

"Yes," responded Burch.

"Well, what did he do?" inquired Timmons.

"He broke out into assholes and shit himself to death," replied Burch.

In this exchange, which is recorded in Woodward and Bernstein's "The Final

Days," we grasp the essential George Bush, in a crisis, and for all




The thesis of this book is simple: if George Bush were to be re-elected in

November 1992 for a second term as the President of the United States, this

country and the rest of the world would face a catastrophe of gigantic


The necessity of writing this book became overwhelming in the minds of the

authors in the wake of the ghastly slaughter of the Iraq war of

January-February 1991. That war was an act of savage and premeditated

genocide on the part of Bush, undertaken in connivance with a clique in

London which has, in its historical continuity, represented both the worst

enemy of the long-term interests of the American people, and the most

implacable adversary of the progress of the human species.

The authors observed George Bush as the Gulf crisis and the war unfolded,

and had no doubt that his enraged public outbursts constituted real

psychotic episodes, indicative of a deranged mental state that was full of

ominous portent for humanity. The authors were also horrified by the degree

to which their fellow citizens willfully ignored the shocking reality of

these public fits. A majority of the American people proved more than

willing to lend its support to a despicable enterprise of killing.

By their role-call votes of January 12, 1991, the Senate and the House of

Representatives authorized Bush's planned war measures to restore the Emir

of Kuwait, who owns and holds chattel slaves. That vote was a crime against

God's justice.

This book is part of an attempt to help the American people to survive this

terrible crime, both for the sake of the world and for their own sake. It

is intended as a contribution to a process of education that might help to

save the American people from the awesome destruction of a second Bush

presidency. It is further intended as a warning to all citizens that if

they fail to deny Bush a second term, they will deserve what they get after


As this book goes to press, public awareness of the long-term depression of

the American economy is rapidly growing. If Bush were re-elected, he would

view himself as beyond the reach of the American electorate; with the

federal deficit rising over a billion dollars a day, a second Bush

administration would dictate such crushing austerity as to bring the

country to the brink of civil war. Some examples of this point are

described in the last chapter of this book.

Our goal has been to assemble as much of the truth about Bush as possible

within the time constraints imposed by the 1992 election. Time and

resources have not permitted us meticulous attention to certain matters of

detail; we can say, nevertheless, that both our commitment to the truth and

our final product are better than anything anyone else has been able to

muster, including news organizations and intelligence agencies with

capabilities that far surpass our own.

Why do we fight the Bush power cartel with a mere book? We have no

illusions of easy success, but we were encouraged in our work by the hope

that a biography might stimulate opposition to Bush and his policies. It

will certainly pose a new set of problems for those seeking to get Bush

re-elected. For although Bush is now what journalists call a world leader,

no accurate account of his actual career exists in the public domain.

The volume which we submit to the court of world public opinion is, to the

best of our knowledge, the first book-length, unauthorized biography of

George Bush. It is the first approximation of the truth about his life.

This is the first biography worthy of the name, a fact that says a great

deal about the sinister and obsessive secrecy of this personage. None of

the other biographies (including Bush's campaign autobiography) can be

taken seriously; each of these books is a pastiche of lies, distortions and

banalities that run the gamut from campaign panegyric, to the Goebbels Big

Lie, to fake but edifying stories for credulous children. Almost without

exception, the available Bush literature is worthless as a portrait of the


Bush's family pedigree establishes him as a network asset of Brown Brothers

Harriman, one of the most powerful political forces in the United States

during much of the twentieth century, and for many years the largest

private bank in the world. It suffices in this context to think of Averell

Harriman negotiating during World War II in the name of the United States

with Churchill and Stalin, or of the role of Brown Brothers Harriman

partner Robert Lovett in guiding John F. Kennedy's choice of his cabinet,

to begin to see the implications of Senator Prescott Bush's post as

managing partner of this bank. Brown Brothers Harriman networks pervade

government and the mass media. Again and again in the course of the

following pages we will see stories embarrassing to George Bush refused

publication, documents embarrassing to Bush suspiciously disappear, and

witnesses inculpatory to Bush be overtaken by mysterious and conveniently

timed deaths. The few relevant facts which have found their way into the

public domain have necessarily been filtered by this gigantic apparatus.

This pro blem has been compounded by the corruption and servility of

authors, journalists, news executives and publishers who have functioned

more and more as kept advocates for a governmental regime of which Bush has

been a prominent part for a quarter-century.


The Red Studebaker Myth

George Bush wants key aspects of his life to remain covert. At the same

time, he senses that his need for coverup is a vulnerability. The need to

protect this weak flank accounts for the steady stream of fake biographical

material concerning George, as well as the spin given to many studies that

may never mention George directly. Over the past several months, we have

seen a new book about Watergate that pretends to tell the public something

new by fingering Al Haig as Deep Throat, but ignoring the central role of

George Bush and his business partners in the Watergate affair. We have a

new book by Lt. Col. Oliver North which alleges that Reagan knew everything

about the Iran-Contra affair, but that George Bush was not part of North's

chain of command. The latter point merely paraphrases Bush's own lame

excuse that he was "out of the loop" during all those illegal transactions.

During the hearings on the nomination of Robert Gates to become director of

Central Intelligence, nobody had anything new to add about the role of

George Bush, the boss of the National Security Council's Special Situation

Group crisis staff that was a command center for the whole affair. These

charades are peddled to a very credulous public by operatives whose task

goes beyond mere damage control to mind control -- the "MK" in the

government's MK-Ultra operation.

Part of the free ride enjoyed by George Bush during the 1988 elections is

reflected in the fact that at no point in the campaign was there any

serious effort by any of the news organizations to provide the public with

an accurate and complete account of his political career. At least two

biographies of Dukakis appeared which, although hardly critical, were not

uniformly laudatory either. But in the case of Bush, all the public could

turn to was Bush's old 1980 campaign biography and a newer campaign

autobiography, both of them a tissue of lies.

Early in the course of our research for the present volume it became

apparent that all books and most longer articles dealing with the life of

George Bush had been generated from a single print-out of thoroughly

approved "facts" about Bush and his family. We learned that during 1979-80,

Bush aide Pete Roussel attempted to recruit biographers to prepare a life

of Bush based on a collection of press releases, news summaries, and

similar pre-digested material. Most biographical writing about Bush

consists merely of the points from this printout, strung out

chronologically and made into a narrative through the interpretation of

comments, anecdotes, embellishments, or special stylistic devices.

The canonical Bush-approved printout is readily identified. One dead

giveaway is the inevitability with which the hacks out to cover up the

substance of Bush's life refer to a 1947 red Studebaker which George Bush

allegedly drove into Odessa, Texas in 1948. This is the sort of detail

which has been introduced into Bush's real life in a deliberate and

deceptive attempt to humanize his image. It has been our experience that

any text that features a reference to Bush's red Studebaker has probably

been derived from Bush's list of approved facts, and is therefore

practically worthless for serious research into Bush's life. We therefore

assign such texts to the "red Studebaker school" of coverup and


Some examples? This is from Bush's campaign autobiography, "Looking

Forward," ghost-written by his aide Vic Gold: "Heading into Texas in my

Studebaker, all I knew about the state's landscape was what I'd seen from

the cockpit of a Vultee Vibrator during my training days in the Navy." Note


Here is the same moment as recaptured by Bush's crony Fitzhugh Green, a

friend of the Malthusian financier Russell Train, in his "George Bush: An

Intimate Portrait," published after Bush had won the presidency: "He (Bush)

gassed up his 1948 Studebaker, arranged for his wife and son to follow, and

headed for Odessa, Texas." Note #2

Harry Hurt III wrote the following lines in a 1983 Texas magazine article

that was even decorated with a drawing of what apparently is supposed to be

a Studebaker, but which does not look like a Studebaker of that vintage at

all: "When George Herbert Walker Bush drove his battered red Studebaker

into Odessa in the summer of 1948, the town's population, though constantly

increasing with newly-arrived oil field hands, was still under 30,000."

Note #3

We see that Harry Hurt has more imagination than many Bush biographers, and

his article does provide a few useful facts. More degraded is the version

offered by Richard Ben Kramer, whose biography of Bush is expected to be

published during 1992. Cramer was given the unenviable task of breathing

life once more into the same tired old printout. But the very fact that the

Bush team feels that it requires another biography indicates that it still

feels that it has a potential vulnerability here. Cramer has attempted to

solve his problem by recasting the same old garbage into a frenetic and

hyperkinetic, we would almost say "hyperthyroid" style. The following is

from an excerpt of this forthcoming book that was published in "Esquire" in

June 1991: "In June, after the College World Series and graduation day in

New Haven, Poppy packed up his new red Studebaker (a graduation gift from

Pres), and started driving south." Note #4

Was that Studebaker shiny and new, or old and battered? Perhaps the

printout is not specific on this point; in any case, as we see, our

authorities diverge.

Joe Hyams's 1991 romance of Bush at war, the "Flight of the Avenger," Note

#5 does not include the obligatory "red Studebaker" reference, but this is

more than compensated for by the most elaborate fawning over other details

of our hero's war service. The publication of "Flight of the Avenger,"

which concentrates on an heroic retelling of Bush's war record, and ignores

all evidence that might tend to puncture this myth, was timed to coincide

with Bush's war with Iraq. This is a vile tract written with the open

assistance of Bush, Barbara Bush, and the White House staff. "Flight of the

Avenger" recalls the practice of totalitarian states according to which a

war waged by the regime should be accompanied by propaganda which depicts

the regime's strong man in a martial posture. In any case, this book deals

with Bush's life up to the end of World War II; we never reach Odessa.

Only one of the full-length accounts produced by the Bush propaganda

machine neglects the red Studebaker story. This is Nicholas King's "George

Bush: A Biography," the first book-length version of Bush's life, produced

as a result of Pete Roussel's efforts for the 1980 campaign. Nicholas King

had served as Bush's spokesman when he was U.S. Ambassador to the United

Nations. King admits in his preface that he can be impugned for writing a

work of the most transparent apologetics: "In retrospect," he says , "this

book may seem open to the charge of puffery, for the view of its subject is

favorable all around." Note #6 Indeed.

Books about Barbara Bush slavishly rehearse the same details from the same

printout. Here is the relevant excerpt from the warmly admiring "Simply

Barbara Bush: A Portrait of America's Candid First Lady," written by Donnie

Radcliffe and published after Bush's 1988 election victory: "With $3,000

left over after he graduated in June, 1948, he headed for Texas in the 1947

red Studebaker his father had given him for graduation after George's car

died on the highway." Note #7

Even foreign journalists attempting to inform their publics about

conditions in the United States have fallen victim to the same old Bush

printout. The German author and reporter Rainer Bonhorst, the former

Washington correspondent of the "Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung," in his

1988 book "George Bush: The New Man in the White House," named a chapter of

this Bush political biography "To Texas in the Red Studebaker." Bonhorst

writes as follows: "Then there was still the matter of the red Studebaker.

It plays -- right after the world war effort -- a central role in the life

history of George Bush. It is the history of his rebellion. The step which

made a careless Texan out of a stiff New Englander, a self-made man out of

a patrician's son, born into wealth.... Thus, George and Barbara Bush, 24

and 23 years old, he having just finished with his studies, she having

prematurely withdrawn from her university and become a mother a few months

earlier, packed their baby and their suitcases and loaded them into their

glaring red Studebaker coupe.

"|'A supermodern, smart car, certainly somewhat loud for the New England

taste,' the Bushes later recalled. But finally it departed towards Texas."

Note #8

We see that Bonhorst is acutely aware of the symbolic importance assumed by

the red Studebaker in these hagiographic accounts of Bush's life.

What is finally the truth of the matter? There is good reason to believe

that George Bush did not first come to Odessa, Texas, in a red Studebaker.

One knowledgeable source is the well-known Texas oil man and Bush campaign

contributor Oscar Wyatt of Houston. In a recent letter to the "Texas

Monthly," Wyatt specifies that "when people speak of Mr. Bush's humble

beginnings in the oil industry, it should be noted that he rode down to

Texas on Dresser's private aircraft. He was accompanied by his father, who

at that time was one of the directors of Dresser Industries.... I hate it

when people make statements about Mr. Bush's humble beginnings in the oil

industry. It just didn't happen that way," writes Mr. Wyatt. Note #9

Dresser was a Harriman company, and Bush got his start working for one of

its subsidiaries. One history of Dresser Industries contains a photograph

of George Bush with his parents, wife, and infant son "in front of a

Dresser company airplane in West Texas." Note #1 Note #0 Can this be a

photo of Bush's arrival in Odessa during the summer of 1948? In any case,

this most cherished myth of the Bush biographers is very much open to



The Roman Propaganda Machine

Fawning biographies of bloodthirsty tyrants are nothing new in world

literature. The red Studebaker school goes back a long way; these writers

of today can be usefully compared with a certain Gaius Velleius Paterculus,

who lived in the Roman Empire under the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, and

who was thus an approximate contemporary of Jesus Christ. Velleius

Paterculus was an historian and biographer who is known today, if at all,

for his biographical notes on the Emperor Tiberius, which are contained

within Paterculus's history of Rome.

Paterculus, writing under Tiberius, gave a very favorable treatment of

Julius Caesar, and became fulsome when he came to write of Augustus. But

the worst excesses of flattery came in Velleius Paterculus's treatment of

Tiberius himself. Here is part of what he writes about that tyrannical


"Of the transactions of the last sixteen years, which have passed in the

view, and are fresh in the memory of all, who shall presume to give a full

account? ... credit has been restored to mercantile affairs, sedition has

been banished from the forum, corruption from the Campus Martius, and

discord from the senate-house; justice, equity and industry, which had long

lain buried in neglect, have been revived in the state; authority has been

given to the magistrates, majesty to the senate, and solemnity to the

courts of justice; the bloody riots in the theatre have been suppressed,

and all men have had either a desire excited in them, or a necessity

imposed on them, of acting with integrity. Virtuous acts are honored,

wicked deeds are punished. The humble respects the powerful, without

dreading him; the powerful takes precedence of the humble without

condemning him. When were provisions more moderate in price? When were theb

lessings of peace more abundant? Augustan peace, diffused over all the

regions of the east and the west, and all that lies between the south and

the north, preserves every corner of the world free from all dread of

predatory molestation. Fortuitous losses, not only of individuals, but of

cities, the munificence of the prince is ready to relieve. The cities of

Asia have been repaired; the provinces have been secured from the

oppression of their governors. Honor promptly rewards the deserving, and

the punishment of the guilty, if slow, is certain. Interest gives place to

justice, solicitation to merit. For the best of princes teaches his

countrymen to act rightly by his own practice; and while he is the greatest

in power, he is still greater in example.

"Having exhibited a general view of the administration of Tiberius Caesar,

let us now enumerate a few particulars respecting it.... How formidable a

war, excited by the Gallic chief Sacrovir and Julius Florius, did he

suppress, and with such amazing expedition and energy, that the Roman

people learned that they were conquerors, before they knew that they were

at war, and the news of the victory outstripped the news of the danger! The

African war too, perilous as it was, and daily increasing in strength, was

quickly terminated under his auspices and direction...." Note #1 Note #1

All of this was written in praise of the regime that crucified Jesus

Christ, and one of the worst genocidal tyrannies in the history of the

world. Paterculus, we must sadly conclude, was a sycophant of the Tiberius

administration. Some of his themes are close parallels to the propaganda of

today's Bush machine.

In addition to feeding the personality cult of Tiberius, Paterculus also

lavished praise on Lucius Aelius Sejanus, the Prefect of the Praetorian

Guard and for many years Tiberius's number one favorite, second in command,

and likely successor. In many respects Sejanus was not unlike James Baker

III under the Bush regime. While Tiberius spent all of his time in

seclusion on his island of Capri near Naples, Sejanus assumed day to day

control of the vast empire and its 100 million subjects. Paterculus wrote

of Sejanus that he was "a most excellent coadjutor in all the toils of

government ... a man of pleasing gravity, and of unaffected cheerfulness

... assuming nothing to himself." That was the voice of the red Studebaker

school in about 30 A.D. Paterculus should have limited his fawning to

Tiberius himself; somewhat later, the emperor, suspecting a coup plot,

condemned Sejanus and had him torn limb from limb in gruesome retribution.

But why bring up Rome? Some readers may be scandalized by the things that

truth obliges us to record about a sitting president of the United States.

Are we not disrespectful to this high office? No. One of the reasons for

glancing back at Imperial Rome is to remind ourselves that in times of

moral and cultural degradation like our own, rulers of great evil have

inflicted incalculable suffering on humanity. In our modern time of war and

depression, this is once again the case. If Caligula was possible then, who

could claim that the America of the New World Order should be exempt? Let

us therefore tarry for a moment with these old Romans, because they can

show us much about ourselves.

In order to find Roman writers who tell us anything reliable about the

first dozen emperors, we must wait until the infamous Julio-Claudian

dynasty of Julius Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, and

the rest had entirely passed from the scene, to be supplanted by new ruling

houses. Tiberius reigned from 14 to 37 A.D.; Caligula, his designated

successor, from 37 to 41 A.D.; and Nero from 54 to 68 A.D. But the first

accurate account of the crimes of some of these emperors comes from Publius

Cornelius Tacitus in about 115-17 A.D., late in the reign of the emperor

Trajan. It was feasible for Tacitus to write and publish a more realistic

account of the Julio-Claudian emperors because one of the constant themes

of Trajan's propaganda was to glorify himself as an enlightened emperor

through comparison with the earlier series of bloody tyrants.

Tacitus manages to convey how the destructiveness of these emperors in

their pe rsonal lives correlated with their mass executions and their

genocidal economic policies. Tacitus was familiar with the machinery of

Roman Imperial power: he was of senatorial rank, served as consul in Italy

in 97 A.D., and was the governor of the important province of western

Anatolia (today's Turkey) which the Romans referred to simply as Asia.

Tacitus writes of Tiberius: "... his criminal lusts shamed him. Their

uncontrollable activity was worthy of an oriental tyrant. Free-born

children were his victims. He was fascinated by beauty, youthful innocence,

and aristocratic birth. New names for types of perversions were invented.

Slaves were charged to locate and procure his requirements.... It was like

the sack of a captured city."

Tiberius was able to dominate the legislative branch of his government, the

senate, by subversion and terror: "It was, indeed, a horrible feature of

this period that leading senators became informers even on trivial matters

-- some openly, many secretly. Friends and relatives were as suspect as

strangers, old stories as damaging as new. In the Main Square, at a

dinner-party, a remark on any subject might mean prosecution. Everyone

competed for priority in marking down the victim. Sometimes this was

self-defense, but mostly it was a sort of contagion, like an epidemic.... I

realize that many writers omit numerous trials and condemnations, bored by

repetition or afraid that catalogues they themselves have found over-long

and dismal may equally depress their readers. But numerous unrecorded

incidents, which have come to my attention, ought to be known.

"... Even women were in danger. They could not be charged with aiming at

supreme power. So they were charged with weeping: one old lady was executed

for lamenting her son's death. The senate decided this case.... In the same

year the high price of corn nearly caused riots....

"Frenzied with bloodshed, (Tiberius) now ordered the execution of all those

arrested for complicity with Sejanus. It was a massacre. Without

discrimination of sex or age, eminence or obscurity, there they lay, strewn

about -- or in heaps. Relatives and friends were forbidden to stand by or

lament them, or even gaze for long. Guards surrounded them, spying on their

sorrow, and escorted the rotting bodies until, dragged to the Tiber, they

floated away or grounded -- with none to cremate or touch them. Terror had

paralyzed human sympathy. The rising surge of brutality drove compassion

away." Note #1 Note #2

This is the same Tiberius administration so extravagantly praised by

Velleius Paterculus.

Because of lacunae in the manuscripts of Tacitus's work that have come down

to us, much of what we know of the rule of Caligula (Gaius Caesar, in power

from 37 to 41 A.D.) derives from "The Lives of the Twelve Caesars," a book

by Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus. The character and administration of

Caligula present some striking parallels with the subject of the present


As a stoic, Caligula was a great admirer of his own "immovable rigor." His

motto was "Remember that I have the right to do anything to anybody." He

made no secret of his bloodthirsty vindictiveness. Caligula was a fan of

the green team in the Roman arena, and when the crowd applauded a

charioteer who wore a different color, Caligula cried out, "I wish the

Roman people had but a single neck." At one of his state dinners Caligula

burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, and when a consul asked him

what was so funny, he replied that it was the thought that as emperor

Caligula had the power to have the throats of the top officials cut at any

time he chose. Caligula carried this same attitude into his personal life:

whenever he kissed or caressed the neck of his wife or one of his

mistresses, he liked to remark: "Off comes this beautiful head whenever I

give the word."

Above all, Caligula was vindictive. After his death, two notebooks were

found among his personalpapers, one labelled "The Sword" and the other

labelled "The Dagger." These were lists of the persons he had proscribed

and liquidated, and were the forerunners of the enemies lists and

discrediting committee of today. Suetonius frankly calls Caligula "a

monster," and speculates on the pyschological roots of his criminal

disposition: "I think I may attribute to mental weakness the existence of

two exactly opposite faults in the same person, extreme assurance and, on

the other hand, excessive timorousness." Caligula was "full of threats"

against "the barbarians," but at the same time prone to precipitous

retreats and flights of panic. Caligula worked on his "body language" by

"practicing all kinds of terrible and fearsome expressions before a


Caligula built an extension of his palace to connect with the Temple of

Castor and Pollux, and often went there to exhibit himself as an object of

public worship, delighting in being hailed as "Jupiter Latiaris" by the

populace. Later Caligula would officially open temples in his own name.

Caligula was brutal in his intimidation of the senate, whose members he

subjected to open humiliations and covert attacks; many senators were

"secretly put to death." "He often inveighed against all the Senators

alike.... He treated the other orders with like insolence and cruelty."

Suetonius recites whole catalogues of "special instances of his innate

brutality" toward persons of all walks of life. He enjoyed inflicting

torture, and revelled in liquidating political opponents or those who had

insulted or snubbed him in some way. He had a taste for capital executions

as the perfect backdrop for parties and banquets. Caligula also did

everything he could to denigrate the memory of the great men of past

epochs, so that their fame could not eclipse his own: "He assailed mankind

of almost every epoch with no less envy and malice than insolence and

cruelty. He threw down the statues of famous men" and tried to destroy all

the texts of Homer.

Caligula "respected neither his own chastity nor that of any one else." He

was reckless in his extravagance, and soon emptied out the imperial

treasury of all the funds that old Tiberius had squirreled away there.

After that, Caligula tried to replenish his coffers through a system of

spies, false accusations, property seizures, and public auctions. He also

"levied new and unheard-of taxes," to the point that "no class of

commodities was exempt from some kind of tax or other." Caligula taxed all

foodstuffs, took a fortieth of the award in any lawsuit, an eighth of the

daily wages of the porters, and demanded that the prostitutes pay him a

daily fee equal to the average price charged to each individual customer.

(It is rumored that this part of Caligula's career is under study by those

planning George Bush's second term.) Caligula also opened a brothel in his

palace as an additional source of income, which may prefigure today's White

House staff. Among Caligula's more singular hobbies Suetonius includes his

love of rolling and wallowing in piles of gold coins.

Caligula kept his wife, Caesonia (described by Suetonius as "neither

beautiful nor young") with him until the very end. But his greatest

devotion was to his horse, whom he made consul of the Roman state.

Ultimately Caligula fell victim to a conspiracy of the Praetorian Guard,

led by the tribune Gaius Chaerea, a man whom Caligula had taken special

delight in humiliating. Note #1 Note #3

The authors of the present study are convinced that these references to the

depravity of the Roman emperors, and to the records of that depravity

provided by such authors as Tacitus and Suetonius, are directly germane to

our present task of following the career of a member of the senatorial

class of the Anglo-American elite through the various stages of his

formation and ultimate ascent to imperial power. The Roman Imperial model

is germane because the American ruling elite of today is far closer to the

world of Tiberius and Caligula than it is to the world of the American

Revolution or the Constitutional Conventionof 1789. The leitmotif of

modern American presidential politics is unquestionably an imperial theme,

most blatantly expressed by Bush in his sl ogan for 1990, "The New World

Order," and for 1991, the "pax universalis." The central project of the

Bush presidency is the creation and consolidation of a single, universal

Anglo-American (or Anglo-Saxon) empire very directly modelled on the

various phases of the Roman Empire.


The Olympian Delusion

There is one other aspect of the biographical-historical method of the

Graeco-Roman world which we have sought to borrow. Ever since Thucydides

composed his monumental work on the Peloponnesian War, those who have

sought to imitate his style -- with the Roman historian Titus Livius

prominent among them -- have employed the device of attributing long

speeches to historical personages, even when it appears very unlikely that

such lengthy orations could have been made by the protagonists at the time.

This has nothing to do with the synthetic dialogue of current American

political writing, which attempts to present historical events as a series

of trivial and banal soap-opera exchanges, which carry on for such

interminable lengths as to suggest that the authors are getting paid by the

word. Our idea of fidelity to the classical style has simply been to let

George Bush speak for himself wherever possible, through direct quotation.

We are convinced that by letting Bush express himself directly in this way,

we afford the reader a more faithful -- and damning -- account of Bush's


George Bush might agree that "history is biography," although we suspect

that he would not agree with any of our other conclusions. There may be a

few peculiarities of the present work as biography that are worthy of

explanation at the outset.

One of our basic theses is that George Bush is, and considers himself to

be, an oligarch. The notion of oligarchy includes first of all the idea of

a patrician and wealthy family capable of introducing its offspring into

such elite institutions as Andover, Yale, and Skull and Bones. Oligarchy

also subsumes the self-conception of the oligarch as belonging to a

special, exalted breed of mankind, one that is superior to the common run

of mankind as a matter of hereditary genetic superiority. This mentality

generally goes together with a fascination for eugenics, race science and

just plain racism as a means of building a case that one's own family tree

and racial stock are indeed superior. These notions of "breeding" are a

constant in the history of the titled feudal aristocracy of Europe,

especially Britain, towards inclusion in which an individual like Bush must

necessarily strive. At the very least, oligarchs like Bush see themselves

as demigods occupying a middle ground between the immortals above and the

"hoi polloi" below. The culmination of this insane delusion, which Bush has

demonstrably long since attained, is the obsessive belief that the

principal families of the Anglo-American elite, assembled in their

freemasonic orders, by themselves directly constitute an Olympian Pantheon

of living deities who have the capability of abrogating and disregarding

the laws of the universe according to their own irrational caprice. If we

do not take into account this element of fatal and megalomaniac hubris, the

lunatic Anglo-American policies in regard to the Gulf War, international

finance, or the AIDS epidemic must defy all comprehension.

Part of the ethos of oligarchism as practiced by George Bush is the

emphasis on one's own family pedigree. This accounts for the attention we

dedicate in the opening chapters of this book to Bush's family tree,

reaching back to the nineteenth century and beyond. It is impossible to

gain insight into Bush's mentality unless we realize that it is important

for him to be considered a cousin, however distant, of Queen Elizabeth II

of the House of Mountbatten-Windsor and for his wife Barbara to be viewed

in some sense a descendant of President Franklin Pierce.


The Family Firm

For related reasons, it is our special duty to illustrate the role played

in the formation of George Bush as a personality by his maternal

grandfather and uncle, George Herbert Walker and George Herbert Walker,

Jr., and by George H.W. Bush's father, the late Senator Prescott Bush. In

the course of this task, we must speak at length about the institution to

which George Bush owes the most, the Wall Street international investment

bank of Brown Brothers Harriman, the political and financial powerhouse

mentioned above. For George Bush, Brown Brothers Harriman was and remains

the family firm in the deepest sense. The formidable power of this bank and

its ubiquitous network, wielded by Senator Prescott Bush up through the

time of his death in 1972, and still active on George's behalf down to the

present day, is the single most important key to every step of George's

business, covert operations, and political career.

In the case of George Bush, as many who have known him personally have

noted, the network looms much larger than George's own character and will.

The reader will search in vain for strong principled commitments in George

Bush's personality; the most that will be found is a series of

characteristic obsessions, of which the most durable are race, vanity,

personal ambition, and settling scores with adversaries. What emerges by

contrast is the decisive importance of Bush's network of connections. His

response to the Gulf crisis of 1991 will be largely predetermined, not by

any great flashes of geopolitical insight, but rather by his connections to

the British oligarchy, to Kissinger, to Israeli and Zionist circles, to

Texas oilmen in his fundraising base, to the Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti

royal houses. If the question is one of finance, then the opinions of J.

Hugh Liedtke, Henry Kravis, Robert Mosbacher, T. Boone Pickens, Nicholas

Brady, James Baker III and the City of London will be decisive. If covert

operations and dirty tricks are on the agenda, then there is a whole stable

of CIA old boys with whom he will consult, and so on down the line. During

much of 1989, despite his control over the presidency, Bush appeared as a

weak and passive executive, waiting for his networks to show him what it

was he was supposed to do. When German reunification and the crumbling of

the Soviet empire spurred those -- primarily British -- networks into

action, Bush was suddenly capable of violent and daring adventures. As his

battle for a second term approaches, Bush may be showing increasing signs

of a rage-driven self-starter capability, especially when it comes to

starting new wars designed to secure his re-election.


The United States in Decline

Biography has its own inherent discipline: It must be concerned with the

life of its protagonist, and cannot stray too far away. In no way has it

been our intention to offer an account of American history during the

lifetime of George Bush. The present study nevertheless reflects many

aspects of that recent history of U.S. decline. It will be noted that Bush

has succeeded in proportion as the country has failed, and that Bush's

advancement has proceeded "pari passu" with the degradation of the national

stage upon which he has operated and which he has come to dominate. At

various phases in his career, Bush has come into conflict with persons who

were intellectually and morally superior to him. One such was Senator Ralph

Yarborough, and another was Senator Frank Church. Our study will be found

to catalogue the constant decline in the qualities of Bush's adversaries as

human types until the 1980s, by which time his opponents, as in the case of

Al Haig, are no better than Bush himself.

As for the political relevance of our project, we think that it is very

real. During the Gulf crisis, it would have been important for the public

to know more about Bush's business dealings with the Royal Family of

Kuwait. During the 1992 presidential campaign, as Wall Street's recent crop

of junk-bond assisted leveraged buyouts line up at the entrance to

bankruptcy court, and state workers all across the United States are

informed that the retirement pensions they had been promised will never be

paid, the relations between George Bush and Henry Kravis will surely

constitute an explosive political issue. Similarly, once Bush's British and

Kissingerian pedigree is recognized, the methods he is likely to pursue in

regard to situations such as the planned Romanian-style overthrow of the

Castro regime in Cuba, or the provocation of a splendid little nuclear war

involving North Korea, or of a new Indo-Pakistani war, will hardly be


The authors have been at some pains to make this work intelligible to

readers around the world. We offer this book to those who share our

aversion to the imperialist-colonialist New World Order, and our profound

horror at the concept of a return to a single, worldwide Roman Empire as

suggested by Bush's "pax universalis" slogan. This work is tangible

evidence that there is an opposition to Bush inside the United States, and

that the new Caligula is very vulnerable indeed on the level of the

exposure of his own misdeeds.

It will be argued that this book should have been published before the 1988

election, when a Bush presidency might have been avoided. That is certainly

true, but it is an objection which should also be directed to many

institutions and agencies whose resources far surpass our modest

capabilities. We can only remind our fellow citizens that when he asks for

their votes for his re-election, George Bush also enters that court of

public opinion in which he is obliged to answer their questions. They

should not waste this opportunity to grill him on all aspects of his career

and future intentions, since it is Bush who comes forward appealing for

their support. To aid in this process, we have provided a list of Twenty

Questions for Candidate George Bush on the campaign trail, and this will be

found in the appendix.

We do not delude ourselves that we have said the last word about George

Bush. But we have for the first time sketched out at least some of the most

salient features and gathered them into a comprehensible whole. We

encourage an aroused citizenry, as well as specialized researchers, to

improve upon what we have been able to accomplish. In so doing, we recall

the words of the Florentine Giovanni Boccaccio when he reluctantly accepted

the order of a powerful king to produce an account of the old Roman

Pantheon: "If I don't succeed completely in this exposition, at least I

will provide a stimulus for the better work of others who are wiser." --

Boccaccio, "Genealogy of the National Gods"

"To be continued."


Notes for Chapter 1

1. George Bush and Vic Gold, "Looking Forward," (New York: Doubleday,

1987), p. 47.

2. Fitzhugh Green, "Looking Forward," (New York: Hippocrene, 1989), p. 53.

3. Harry Hurt III, "George Bush, Plucky Lad," "Texas Monthly," June, 1983,

p. 142.

4. Richard Ben Cramer, "How He Got Here," "Esquire," June, 1991, p. 84.

5. Joe Hyams, "Flight of the Avenger" (New York, 1991).

6. Nicholas King, "George Bush: A Biography" (New York, Dodd, Mead, 1980),

p. xi.

7. Donnie Radcliffe, "Simply Barbara Bush," (New York: Warner, 1989), p. 103.

8. Rainer Bonhorst, "George Bush, Der Neue Mann im Weissen Haus," (Bergisch

Gladbach: Gustav Luebbe Verlag, 1988), pp. 80-81.

9. See "The Roar of the Crowd," "Texas Monthly," November, 1991. See also

Jan Jarboe, "Meaner Than a Junkyard Dog," "Texas Monthly," April 1991, p.

122 ff. Here Wyatt observes: "I knew from the beginning George Bush came to

Texas only because he was politically ambitious. He flew out here on an

airplane owned by Dresser Industries. His daddy was a member of the board

of Dresser."

10. Darwin Payne, "Initiative in Energy" (New York: Simon and Shuster,

1979), p. 233.

11. John Selby Watson (translator), "Sallust, Florus, and Velleius

Paterculus" (London: George Bell and Son, 1879), pp. 542-46.

12. Cornelius Tacitus, "The Annals of Imperial Rome" (Penguin, 1962), pp.


13. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, "The Lives of the Twelve Caesars" (New

York: Modern Library, 1931), pp. 165-204, " passim.





Bush Property Seized -- Trading with the Enemy

In October 1942, ten months after entering World War II, America was

preparing its first assault against Nazi military forces. Prescott Bush was

managing partner of Brown Brothers Harriman. His 18-year-old son George,

the future U.S. President, had just begun training to become a naval pilot.

On October 20, 1942, the U.S. government ordered the seizure of Nazi German

banking operations in New York City which were being conducted by Prescott


Under the "Trading with the Enemy Act", the government took over the "Union

Banking Corporation," in which Bush was a director. The U.S. Alien Property

Custodian seized Union Banking Corp.'s stock shares, all of which were

owned by Prescott Bush, E. Roland "Bunny" Harriman, three Nazi executives,

and two other associates of Bush. Note #1

The order seizing the bank "vest[ed] [seized] all of the capital stock of

Union Banking Corporation, a New York corporation," and named the holders

of its shares as:

See #b|"E. Roland Harriman -- 3991 shares." Harriman was chairman and

director of Union Banking Corp. (UBC); this is "Bunny" Harriman, described

by Prescott Bush as a place holder who didn't get much into banking

affairs; Prescott managed his personal investments.

See #b|"Cornelis Lievense -- 4 shares." Lievense was president and

director of UBC, and a New York resident banking functionary for the Nazis.

See #b|"Harold D. Pennington -- 1 share." Pennington was treasurer and

director of UBC, and an office manager employed by Bush at Brown Brothers


See #b|"Ray Morris -- 1 share." Morris was director of UBC, and a partner

of Bush and the Harrimans.

See #b|"Prescott S. Bush -- 1 share." Bush was director of UBC, which was

co-founded and sponsored by his father-in-law George Walker; he was senior

managing partner for E. Roland Harriman and Averell Harriman.

See #b|"H.J. Kouwenhoven -- 1 share" Kouwenhoven was director of UBC; he

organized UBC as the emissary of Fritz Thyssen in negotiations with George

Walker and Averell Harriman; he was also managing director of UBC's

Netherlands affiliate under Nazi occupation; industrial executive in Nazi

Germany, and also director and chief foreign financial executive of the

German Steel Trust.

See #b|"Johann G. Groeninger -- 1 share." Groeninger was director of UBC

and of its Netherlands affiliate; he was an industrial executive in Nazi


The order also specified: "all of which shares are held for the benefit of

... members of the Thyssen family, [and] is property of nationals ... of a

designated enemy country...."

By October 26, 1942, U.S. troops were underway for North Africa. On October

28, the government issued orders seizing two Nazi front organizations run

by the Bush-Harriman bank: the "Holland-American Trading Corporation" and

the "Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation." Note #2

U.S. forces landed under fire near Algiers on November 8, 1942; heavy

combat raged throughout November. Nazi interests in the "Silesian-American

Corporation," long managed by Prescott Bush and his father-in-law George

Herbert Walker, were seized under the Trading with the Enemy Act on

November 17, 1942. In this action, the government announced that it was seiz

ing only the Nazi interests, leaving the Nazis' U.S. partners to carry on

the business. Note #3

These and other actions taken by the U.S. government in wartime were,

tragically, too little and too late. President Bush's family had already

played a central role in financing and arming Adolf Hitler for his takeover

of Germany; in financing and managing the buildup of Nazi war industries

for the conquest of Europe and war against the U.S.A.; and in the

development of Nazi genocide theories and racial propaganda, with their

well-known results.

The facts presented here must be known, and their implications reflected

upon, for a proper understanding of President George Herbert Walker Bush

and of the danger to mankind that he represents. The President's family

fortune was largely a result of the Hitler project. The powerful

Anglo-American family associations, which later boosted him into the

Central Intelligence Agency and up to the White House, were his father's

partners in the Hitler project.

President Franklin Roosevelt's Alien Property Custodian, Leo T. Crowley,

signed Vesting Order Number 248 seizing the property of Prescott Bush under

the Trading with Enemy Act. The order, published in obscure government

record books and kept out of the news, Note #4 explained nothing about the

Nazis involved; only that the Union Banking Corporation was run for the

"Thyssen family" of "Germany and/or Hungary" -- "nationals ... of a

designated enemy country."

By deciding that Prescott Bush and the other directors of the Union Banking

Corp. were legally "front men for the Nazis", the government avoided the

more important historical issue: In what way "were Hitler's Nazis

themselves hired, armed, and instructed by" the New York and London clique

of which Prescott Bush was an executive manager? Let us examine the

Harriman-Bush Hitler project from the 1920s until it was partially broken

up, to seek an answer for that question.


2. Origin and Extent of the Project

Fritz Thyssen and his business partners are universally recognized as the

most important German financiers of Adolf Hitler's takeover of Germany. At

the time of the order seizing the Thyssen family's Union Banking Corp., Mr.

Fritz Thyssen had already published his famous book, "I Paid Hitler", Note

#5 admitting that he had financed Adolf Hitler and the Nazi movement since

October 1923. Thyssen's role as the leading early backer of Hitler's grab

for power in Germany had been noted by U.S. diplomats in Berlin in 1932.

Note #6 The order seizing the Bush-Thyssen bank was curiously quiet and

modest about the identity of the perpetrators who had been nailed.

But two weeks before the official order, government investigators had

reported secretly that "W. Averell Harriman was in Europe sometime prior to

1924 and at that time became acquainted with Fritz Thyssen, the German

industrialist." Harriman and Thyssen agreed to set up a bank for Thyssen in

New York. "[C]ertain of [Harriman's] associates would serve as

directors...." Thyssen agent "H.J. Kouwenhoven ... came to the United

States ... prior to 1924 for conferences with the Harriman Company in this

connection...." Note #7

When exactly was "Harriman in Europe sometime prior to 1924"? In fact, he

was in Berlin in 1922 to set up the Berlin branch of W.A. Harriman & Co.

under George Walker's presidency.

The Union Banking Corporation was established formally in 1924, as a unit

in the Manhattan offices of W.A. Harriman & Co., interlocking with the

Thyssen-owned "Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart" (BHS) in the Netherlands.

The investigators concluded that "the Union Banking Corporation has since

its inception handled funds chiefly supplied to it through the Dutch bank

by the Thyssen interests for American investment."

Thus by personal agreement between Averell Harriman and Fritz Thyssen in

1922, W.A. Harriman & Co. (alias Union Banking Corporation) would be

transferring funds back and forth between New York and the "Thyssen

interests" in Germany. By putting up about $400,000, the Harriman

organization would be joint owner and manager of Thyssen's banking

operations outside of Germany.

"How important was the Nazi enterprise for which President Bush's father

was the New York banker?"

The 1942 U.S. government investigative report said that Bush's Nazi-front

bank was an interlocking concern with the Vereinigte Stahlwerke (United

Steel Works Corporation or "German Steel Trust") led by Fritz Thyssen and

his two brothers. After the war, congressional investigators probed the

Thyssen interests, Union Banking Corp. and related Nazi units. The

investigation showed that the Vereinigte Stahlwerke had produced the

following approximate proportions of total German national output: "50.8%

of Nazi Germany's pig iron; 41.4% of Nazi Germany's universal plate; 36.0%

of Nazi Germany's heavy plate; 38.5% of Nazi Germany's galvanized sheet;

45.5% of Nazi Germany's pipes and tubes; 22.1% of Nazi Germany's wire;

35.0% of Nazi Germany's explosives." Note #8

This accounts for many, many Nazi submarines, bombs, rifles, gas chambers, etc.

Prescott Bush became vice president of W.A. Harriman & Co. in 1926. That

same year, a friend of Harriman and Bush set up a giant new organization

for their client Fritz Thyssen, prime sponsor of politician Adolf Hitler.

The new "German Steel Trust," Germany's largest industrial corporation, was

organized in 1926 by Wall Street banker Clarence Dillon. Dillon was the old

comrade of Prescott Bush's father Sam Bush from the "Merchants of Death"

bureau in World War I.

In return for putting up $70 million to create his organization, majority

owner Thyssen gave the Dillon Read company two or more representatives on

the board of the new Steel Trust. Note #9

Thus there is a division of labor: Thyssen's own confidential accounts, for

political and related purposes, were run through the Walker-Bush

organization; the Steel Trust did its corporate banking through Dillon


- * * * -

The Walker-Bush firm's banking activities were not just politically neutral

money-making ventures which happened to coincide with the aims of German

Nazis. All of the firm's European business in those days was organized

around anti-democratic political forces.

In 1927, criticism of their support for totalitarianism drew this retort

from Bert Walker, written from Kennebunkport to Averell Harriman: "It seems

to me that the suggestion in connection with Lord Bearsted's views that we

withdraw from Russia smacks somewhat of the impertinent.... I think that we

have drawn our line and should hew to it." Note #1 Note #0

Averell Harriman met with Italy's fascist dictator, Benito Mussolini. A

representative of the firm subsequently telegraphed good news back to his

chief executive Bert Walker: "... During these last days ... Mussolini ...

has examined and approved our c[o]ntract 15 June." Note #1 Note #1

The great financial collapse of 1929-31 shook America, Germany, and

Britain, weakening all governments. It also made the hard-pressed Prescott

Bush even more willing to do whatever was necessary to retain his new place

in the world. It was in this crisis that certain Anglo-Americans determined

on the installation of a Hitler regime in Germany.

W.A. Harriman & Co., well-positioned for this enterprise and rich in assets

from their German and Russian business, merged with the British-American

investment house, Brown Brothers, on January 1, 1931. Bert Walker retired

to his own G.H. Walker & Co. This left the Harriman brothers, Prescott

Bush, and Thatcher M. Brown as the senior partners of the new Brown

Brothers Harriman firm. (The London, England branch of the Brown family

firm continued operating under its historic name -- Brown, Shipley.)

Robert A. Lovett also came over as a partner from Brown Brothers. His

father, E.H. Harriman's lawyer and railroad chief, had been on the War

Industries Board with Prescott's father. Though he remained a partner in

Brown Brothers Harriman, the junior Lovett soon replaced his father as

chief exexcutive of Union Pacific Railroad.

Brown Brothers had a racial tradition that fitted it well for the Hitler

project. American patriots had cursed its name back in Civil War days.

Brown Brothers, with offices in the U.S.A. and in Engla nd, had carried on

their ships fully 75 percent of the slave cotton from the American South

over to British mill owners; through their usurious credit they controlled

and manipulated the slave-owners.

Now, in 1931, the virtual dictator of world finance, Bank of England

Governor Montagu Collet Norman, was a former Brown Brothers partner, whose

grandfather had been boss of Brown Brothers during the U.S. Civil War.

Montagu Norman was known as the most avid of Hitler's supporters within

British ruling circles, and Norman's intimacy with this firm was essential

to his management of the Hitler project.

In 1931, while Prescott Bush ran the New York office of Brown Brothers

Harriman, Prescott's partner was Montagu Norman's intimate friend Thatcher

Brown. The Bank of England chief always stayed at the home of Prescott's

partner on his hush-hush trips to New York. Prescott Bush concentrated on

the firm's German actitivites, and Thatcher Brown saw to their business in

old England, under the guidance of his mentor Montagu Norman. Note #1 Note



3. Hitler's Ladder to Power

Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany January 30, 1933, and absolute

dictator in March 1933, after two years of expensive and violent lobbying

and electioneering. Two affiliates of the Bush-Harriman organization played

great parts in this criminal undertaking: Thyssen's German Steel Trust; and

the Hamburg-Amerika Line and several of its executives. Note #1 Note #3

Let us look more closely at the Bush family's German partners.

"Fritz Thyssen" told Allied interrogators after the war about some of his

financial support for the Nazi Party: "In 1930 or 1931 ... I told [Hitler's

deputy Rudolph] Hess ... I would arrange a credit for him with a Dutch bank

in Rotterdam, the Bank fussaur Handel und Schiff [i.e. Bank voor Handel en

Scheepvaart (BHS), the Harriman-Bush affiliate]. I arranged the credit ...

he would pay it back in three years.... I chose a Dutch bank because I did

not want to be mixed up with German banks in my position, and because I

thought it was better to do business with a Dutch bank, and I thought I

would have the Nazis a little more in my hands....

"The credit was about 250-300,000 [gold] marks -- about the sum I had given

before. The loan has been repaid in part to the Dutch bank, but I think

some money is still owing on it...." Note #1 Note #4

The overall total of Thyssen's political donations and loans to the Nazis

was well over a million dollars, including funds he raised from others --

in a period of terrible money-shortage in Germany.

"Friedrich Flick" was the major co-owner of the German Steel Trust with

Fritz Thyssen, Thyssen's longtime collaborator and sometime competitor. In

preparation for the war crimes tribunal at Nuremberg, the U.S. government

said that Flick was "one of leading financiers and industrialists who from

1932 contributed large sums to the Nazi Party ... member of 'Circle of

Friends' of Himmler who contributed large sums to the SS." Note #1 Note #5

Flick, like Thyssen, financed the Nazis to maintain their private armies

called Schutzstaffel (S.S. or Black Shirts) and Sturmabteilung (S.A., storm

troops or Brown Shirts).

The Flick-Harriman partnership was directly supervised by Prescott Bush,

President Bush's father, and by George Walker, President Bush's


The Harriman-Walker Union Banking Corp. arrangements for the German Steel

Trust had made them bankers for Flick and his vast operations in Germany by

no later than 1926.

The "Harriman Fifteen Corporation" (George Walker, president, Prescott Bush

and Averell Harriman, sole directors) held a substantial stake in the

Silesian Holding Co. at the time of the merger with Brown Brothers, January

1, 1931. This holding correlated to Averell Harriman's chairmanship of the

"Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation," the American group owning

one-third of a complex of steelmaking, coal-mining and zinc-mining

activities in Germany and Poland, in which Friedrich Flick owned two-thirds.

Note #1 Note #6

The Nuremberg prosecutor characterized Flick as follows:

"Proprietor and head of a large group of industrial enterprises (coal and

iron mines, steel producing and fabricating plants) ...

'Wehrwirtschaftsfuehrer,' 1938 [title awarded to prominent industrialists

for merit in armaments drive -- 'Military Economy Leader']...." Note #1

Note #7

For this buildup of the Hitler war machine with coal, steel, and arms

production, using slave laborers, the Nazi Flick was condemned to seven

years in prison at the Nuremberg trials; he served three years. With

friends in New York and London, however, Flick lived into the 1970s and

died a billionaire.

On March 19, 1934, Prescott Bush -- then director of the German Steel

Trust's Union Banking Corporation -- initiated an alert to the absent

Averell Harriman about a problem which had developed in the Flick

partnership. Note #1 Note #8 Bush sent Harriman a clipping from the "New

York Times" of that day, which reported that the Polish government was

fighting back against American and German stockholders who controlled

"Poland's largest industrial unit, the Upper Silesian Coal and Steel


The "Times" article continued: "The company has long been accused of

mismanagement, excessive borrowing, fictitious bookkeeping and gambling in

securities. Warrants were issued in December for several directors accused

of tax evasions. They were German citizens and they fled. They were

replaced by Poles. Herr Flick, regarding this as an attempt to make the

company's board entirely Polish, retaliated by restricting credits until

the new Polish directors were unable to pay the workmen regularly."

The "Times" noted that the company's mines and mills "employ 25,000 men and

account for 45 percent of Poland's total steel output and 12 percent of her

coal production. Two-thirds of the company's stock is owned by Friedrich

Flick, a leading German steel industrialist, and the remainder is owned by

interests in the United States."

In view of the fact that a great deal of Polish output was being exported

to Hitler's Germany under depression conditions, the Polish government

thought that Bush, Harriman, and their Nazi partners should at least pay

full taxes on their Polish holdings. The U.S. and Nazi owners responded

with a lockout. The letter to Harriman in Washington reported a cable from

their European representative: "Have undertaken new steps London Berlin ...

please establish friendly relations with Polish Ambassador [in


A 1935 Harriman Fifteen Corporation memo from George Walker announced an

agreement had been made "in Berlin" to sell an 8,000 block of their shares

in Consolidated Silesian Steel. Note #1 Note #9 But the dispute with Poland

did not deter the Bush family from continuing its partnership with Flick.

Nazi tanks and bombs "settled" this dispute in September, 1939 with the

invasion of Poland, beginning World War II. The Nazi army had been equipped

by Flick, Harriman, Walker, and Bush, with materials essentially stolen

from Poland.

There were probably few people at the time who could appreciate the irony,

that when the Soviets also attacked and invaded Poland from the East, their

vehicles were fueled by oil pumped from Baku wells revived by the

Harriman/Walker/Bush enterprise.

Three years later, nearly a year after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor,

the U.S. government ordered the seizure of the Nazis' share in the

Silesian-American Corporation under the Trading with the Enemy Act. Enemy

nationals were said to own 49 percent of the common stock and 41.67 percent

of the preferred stock of the company.

The order characterized the company as a "business enterprise within the

United States, owned by [a front company in] Zurich, Switzerland, and held

for the benefit of Bergwerksgesellschaft George von Giesche's Erben, a

German corporation...." Note #2 Note #0

Bert Walker was still the senior director of the company, which he had

founded back in 1926 simultaneously with the creation of the German Steel

Trust. Ray Morris, Prescott's partner from Union Banking Corp. andBrown

Brothers Harriman, was also a dir ector.

The investigative report prior to the government crackdown explained the

"NATURE OF BUSINESS: The subject corporation is an American holding company

for German and Polish subsidiaries, which own large and valuable coal and

zinc mines in Silesia, Poland and Germany. Since September 1939, these

properties have been in the possession of and have been operated by the

German government and have undoubtedly been of considerable assistance to

that country in its war effort." Note #2 Note #1

The report noted that the American stockholders hoped to regain control of

the European properties after the war.


4. Control of Nazi Commerce

Bert Walker had arranged the credits Harriman needed to take control of the

Hamburg-Amerika Line back in 1920. Walker had organized the "American Ship

and Commerce Corp." as a unit of the W.A. Harriman & Co., with contractual

power over Hamburg-Amerika's affairs.

As the Hitler project went into high gear, Harriman-Bush shares in American

Ship and Commerce Corp. were held by the Harriman Fifteen Corp., run by

Prescott Bush and Bert Walker. Note #2 Note #2

It was a convenient stroll for the well-tanned, athletic, handsome Prescott

Bush. From the Brown Brothers Harriman skyscraper at 59 Wall Street --

where he was senior managing partner, confidential investments manager and

advisor to Averell and his brother "Bunny" -- he walked across to the

Harriman Fifteen Corporation at One Wall Street, otherwise known as G.H.

Walker & Co. -- and around the corner to his subsidiary offices at 39

Broadway, former home of the old W.A. Harriman & Co., and still the offices

for American Ship and Commerce, and of the Union Banking Corporation.

In many ways, Bush's Hamburg-Amerika Line was the pivot for the entire

Hitler project.

Averell Harriman and Bert Walker had gained control over the steamship

company in 1920 in negotiations with its post-World War I chief executive,

"Wilhelm Cuno", and with the line's bankers, M.M. Warburg. Cuno was

thereafter completely dependent on the Anglo-Americans, and became a member

of the Anglo-German Friendship Society. In the 1930-32 drive for a Hitler

dictatorship, Wilhelm Cuno contributed important sums to the Nazi Party.

Note #2 Note #3

"Albert Voegler" was chief executive of the Thyssen-Flick German Steel

Trust for which Bush's Union Banking Corp. was the New York office. He was

a director of the Bush-affiliate BHS Bank in Rotterdam, and a director of

the Harriman-Bush Hamburg-Amerika Line. Voegler joined Thyssen and Flick in

their heavy 1930-33 Nazi contributions, and helped organize the final Nazi

leap into national power. Note #2 Note #4

The "Schroeder" family of bankers was a linchpin for the Nazi activities of

Harriman and Prescott Bush, closely tied to their lawyers Allen and John

Foster Dulles.

Baron Kurt von Schroeder was co-director of the massive Thyssen-Huette

foundry along with Johann Groeninger, Prescott Bush's New York bank

partner. Kurt von Schroeder was treasurer of the support organization for

the Nazi Party's private armies, to which Friedrich Flick contributed. Kurt

von Schroeder and Montagu Norman's proteaageaa Hjalmar Schacht together

made the final arrangments for Hitler to enter the government. Note #2 Note


Baron Rudolph von Schroeder was vice president and director of the

Hamburg-Amerika Line. Long an intimate contact of Averell Harriman's in

Germany, Baron Rudolph sent his grandson Baron Johann Rudolph for a tour of

Prescott Bush's Brown Brothers Harriman offices in New York City in

December 1932 -- on the eve of their Hitler-triumph. Note #2 Note #6

Certain actions taken directly by the Harriman-Bush shipping line in 1932

must be ranked among the gravest acts of treason in this century.

The U.S. Embassy in Berlin reported back to Washington that the "costly

election campaigns" and "the cost of maintaining a private army of 300,000

to 400,000 men" had raised questions as to the Nazis' financial backers.

The constitutional government of the German republic moved to defend

national freedom by ordering the Nazi Party private armies disbanded. The

U.S. Embassy reported that the "Hamburg-Amerika Line was purchasing and

distributing propaganda attacks against the German government, for

attempting this last-minute crackdown on Hitler's forces." Note #2 Note #7

Thousands of German opponents of Hitlerism were shot or intimidated by

privately armed Nazi Brown Shirts. In this connection, we note that the

original "Merchant of Death," Samuel Pryor, was a founding director of both

the Union Banking Corp. and the American Ship and Commerce Corp. Since Mr.

Pryor was executive committee chairman of Remington Arms and a central

figure in the world's private arms traffic, his use to the Hitler project

was enhanced as the Bush family's partner in Nazi Party banking and

trans-Atlantic shipping.

The U.S. Senate arms-traffic investigators probed Remington after it was

joined in a cartel agreement on explosives to the Nazi firm I.G. Farben.

Looking at the period leading up to Hitler's seizure of power, the senators

found that "German political associations, like the Nazi and others, are

nearly all armed with American ... guns.... Arms of all kinds coming from

America are transshipped in the Scheldt to river barges before the vessels

arrive in Antwerp. They then can be carried through Holland without police

inspection or interference. The Hitlerists and Communists are presumed to

get arms in this manner. The principal arms coming from America are

Thompson submachine guns and revolvers. The number is great." Note #2 Note


The beginning of the Hitler regime brought some bizarre changes to the

Hamburg-Amerika Line -- and more betrayals.

Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp. notified Max Warburg of

Hamburg, Germany, on March 7, 1933, that Warburg was to be the

corporation's official, designated representative on the board of

Hamburg-Amerika. Note #2 Note #9

Max Warburg replied on March 27, 1933, assuring his American sponsors that

the Hitler government was good for Germany: "For the last few years

business was considerably better than we had anticipated, but a reaction is

making itself felt for some months. We are actually suffering also under

the very active propaganda against Germany, caused by some unpleasant

circumstances. These occurrences were the natural consequence of the very

excited election campaign, but were extraordinarily exaggerated in the

foreign press. The Government is firmly resolved to maintain public peace

and order in Germany, and I feel perfectly convinced in this respect that

there is no cause for any alarm whatsoever." Note #3 Note #0

This seal of approval for Hitler, coming from a famous Jew, was just what

Harriman and Bush required, for they anticipated rather serious "alarm"

inside the U.S.A. against their Nazi operations.

On March 29, 1933, two days after Max's letter to Harriman, Max's son Erich

sent a cable to his cousin Frederick M. Warburg, a director of the Harriman

railroad system. He asked Frederick to "use all your influence" to stop all

anti-Nazi activity in America, including "atrocity news and unfriendly

propaganda in foreign press, mass meetings, etc." Frederick cabled back to

Erich: "No responsible groups here [are] urging [a] boycott [of] German

goods[,] merely excited individuals." Two days after that, On March 31,

1933, the "American-Jewish Committee," controlled by the Warburgs, and the

"B'nai B'rith," heavily influenced by the Sulzbergers' ("New York Times"),

issued a formal, official joint statement of the two organizations,

counselling "that no American boycott against Germany be encouraged, [and

advising] ... that no further mass meetings be held or similar forms of

agitation be employed." Note #3 Note #1

The American Jewish Committee and the B'nai B'rith (mother of the

"Anti-Defamation League") continued with this hardline, no-attack-on-Hitler

stance all through the 1930s, blunting the fight mounted by many Jews and

other anti-fascists.

Thus the decisive interchange reproduced above, taking place entirely

within the orbit of the Harriman/Bush firm, may explain something of the

relation ship of George Bush to American Jewish and Zionist leaders. Some

of them, in close cooperation with his family, played an ugly part in the

drama of Naziism. Is this why "professional Nazi-hunters" have never

discovered how the Bush family made its money?

-* * *-

The executive board of the "Hamburg Amerika Line" "(Hapag)" met jointly

with the North German Lloyd company board in Hamburg on September 5, 1933.

Under official Nazi supervision, the two firms were merged. Prescott Bush's

American Ship and Commerce Corp. installed Christian J. Beck, a longtime

Harriman executive, as manager of freight and operations in North America

for the new joint Nazi shipping lines "(Hapag-Lloyd)") on November 4, 1933.

According to testimony of officials of the companies before Congress in

1934, a supervisor from the "Nazi Labor Front" rode with every ship of the

Harriman-Bush line; employees of the New York offices were directly

organized into the Nazi Labor Front organization; Hamburg-Amerika provided

free passage to individuals going abroad for Nazi propaganda purposes; and

the line subsidized pro-Nazi newspapers in the U.S.A., as it had done in

Germany against the constitutional German government. Note #3 Note #2

In mid-1936, Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp. cabled M.M.

Warburg, asking Warburg to represent the company's heavy share interest at

the forthcoming Hamburg-Amerika stockholders meeting. The Warburg office

replied with the information that "we represented you" at the stockholders

meeting and "exercised on your behalf your voting power for Rm [gold marks]

3,509,600 Hapag stock deposited with us."

The Warburgs transmitted a letter received from Emil Helfferich, German

chief executive of both Hapag-Lloyd and of the Standard Oil subsidiary in

Nazi Germany: "It is the intention to continue the relations with Mr.

Harriman on the same basis as heretofore...." In a colorful gesture,

Hapag's Nazi chairman Helfferich sent the line's president across the

Atlantic on a Zeppelin to confer with their New York string-pullers.

After the meeting with the Zeppelin passenger, the Harriman-Bush office

replied: "I am glad to learn that Mr. Hellferich [sic] has stated that

relations between the Hamburg American Line and ourselves will be continued

on the same basis as heretofore." Note #3 Note #3

Two months before moving against Bush's Union Banking Corp., the U.S.

government ordered the seizure of all property of the Hamburg-Amerika Line

and North German Lloyd, under the Trading with the Enemy Act. The

investigators noted in the pre-seizure report that Christian J. Beck was

still acting as an attorney representing the Nazi firm. Note #3 Note #4

In May 1933, just after the Hitler regime was consolidated, an agreement

was reached in Berlin for the coordination of all Nazi commerce with the

U.S.A. The "Harriman International Co.," led by Averell Harriman's first

cousin Oliver, was to head a syndicate of 150 firms and individuals, to

conduct "all exports from Hitler's Germany to the United States". Note #3

Note #5

This pact had been negotiated in Berlin between Hitler's economics

minister, Hjalmar Schacht, and John Foster Dulles, international attorney

for dozens of Nazi enterprises, with the counsel of Max Warburg and Kurt

von Schroeder.

John Foster Dulles would later be U.S. Secretary of State, and the great

power in the Republican Party of the 1950s. Foster's friendship and that of

his brother Allen (head of the Central Intelligence Agency), greatly aided

Prescott Bush to become the Republican U.S. senator from Connecticut. And

it was to be of inestimable value to George Bush, in his ascent to the

heights of "covert action government," that both of these Dulles brothers

were the lawyers for the Bush family's far-flung enterprise.

Throughout the 1930s, John Foster Dulles arranged debt restructuring for

German firms under a series of decrees issued by Adolf Hitler. In these

deals, Dulles struck a balance between the interest owed to selected,

larger investors, and the needs of the growing Nazi warmaking apparatus for

producing tanks, poison gas, etc.

Dulles wrote to Prescott Bush in 1937 concerning one such arrangement. The

German-Atlantic Cable Company, owning Nazi Germany's only telegraph channel

to the United States, had made debt and management agreements with the

Walker-Harriman bank during the 1920s. A new decree would now void those

agreements, which had originally been reached with non-Nazi corporate

officials. Dulles asked Bush, who managed these affairs for Averell

Harriman, to get Averell's signature on a letter to Nazi officials,

agreeing to the changes. Dulles wrote: "Sept. 22, 1937 "Mr. Prescott S.

Bush "59 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.

"Dear Press,

"I have looked over the letter of the German-American [sic] Cable Company

to Averell Harriman.... It would appear that the only rights in the matter

are those which inure in the bankers and that no legal embarrassment would

result, so far as the bondholders are concerned, by your acquiescence in

the modification of the bankers' agreement.

"Sincerely yours,

"John Foster Dulles"

Dulles enclosed a proposed draft reply, Bush got Harriman's signature, and

the changes went through. Note #3 Note #6

In conjunction with these arrangements, the German Atlantic Cable Company

attempted to stop payment on its debts to smaller American bondholders. The

money was to be used instead for arming the Nazi state, under a decree of

the Hitler government.

Despite the busy efforts of Bush and Dulles, a New York court decided that

this particular Hitler "law" was invalid in the United States; small

bondholders, not parties to deals between the bankers and the Nazis, were

entitled to get paid. Note #3 Note #7

In this and a few other of the attempted swindles, the intended victims

came out with their money. But the Nazi financial and political

reorganization went ahead to its tragic climax.

For his part in the Hitler revolution, Prescott Bush was paid a fortune.

This is the legacy he left to his son, President George Bush.


Notes - Chapter 2

1. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number 248. Signed by

Leo T. Crowley, Alien Property Custodian, executed October 20, 1942; F.R.

Doc. 42-11568; Filed, November 6, 1942. 7 Fed. Reg. 9097 (November 7,


The "New York City Directory of Directors", 1930s-40s, list Prescott Bush

as a director of Union Banking Corp. from 1934 through 1943.

2. Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 259: Seamless Steel Equipment

Corporation; Vesting Order Number 261: Holland-American Trading Corp.

3. Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 370: Silesian-American Corp.

4. "New York Times," December 16, 1944, ran a five-paragraph page 25

article on actions of the New York State Banking Department. Only the last

sentence refers to the Nazi bank, as follows: "The Union Banking

Corporation, 39 Broadway, New York, has received authority to change its

principal place of business to 120 Broadway."

The "Times" omitted the fact that the Union Banking Corporation had been

seized by the government for trading with the enemy, and the fact that 120

Broadway was the address of the government's Alien Property Custodian.

5. Fritz Thyssen, "I Paid Hitler", 1941, reprinted in (Port Washington,

N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1972), p. 133. Thyssen says his contributions began

with 100,000 marks given in October 1923, for Hitler's attempted "putsch"

against the constitutional government.

6. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, to the U.S. Secretary

of State, April 20, 1932, on microfilm in "Confidential Reports of U.S.

State Dept., 1930s, Germany," at major U.S. libraries.

7. October 5, 1942, Memorandum to the Executive Committee of the Office of

Alien Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of

Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United

States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. Note Record Group 131,

Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in file box relating to

Vesting Order Number 248.

8. "Elimination of German Resources for War": Hearings Before a

Subcommittee of the Com mittee on Military Affairs, United States Senate,

Seventy-Ninth Congress; Part 5, Testimony of [the United States] Treasury

Department, July 2, 1945. Page 507: Table of Vereinigte Stahlwerke output,

figures are percent of German total as of 1938; Thyssen organization

including Union Banking Corporation pp. 727-731.

9. Robert Sobel, "The Life and Times of Dillon Read" (New York:

Dutton-Penguin, 1991), pp. 92-111. The Dillon Read firm cooperated in the

development of Sobel's book.

10. George Walker to Averell Harriman, August 11, 1927, in W. Averell

Harriman papers, Library of Congress (hereafter "WAH papers").

11. "Iaccarino" to G. H. Walker, RCA Radiogram Sept. 12, 1927.

12. Andrew Boyle, "Montagu Norman" (London: Cassell, 1967).

Sir Henry Clay, "Lord Norman" (London, MacMillan & Co., 1957), pp. 18, 57,


John A. Kouwenhouven, "Partners in Banking ... Brown Brothers Harriman"

(Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1969).

13. Coordination of much of the Hitler project took place at a single New

York address. The Union Banking Corporation had been set up by George

Walker at 39 Broadway. Management of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, carried out

through Harriman's American Ship and Commerce Corp., was also set up by

George Walker at 39 Broadway.

14. Interrogation of Fritz Thyssen, EF/Me/1 of Sept. 4, 1945 in U.S.

Control Council records, photostat on page 167 in Anthony Sutton, "An

Introduction to The Order" (Billings, Mt.: Liberty House Press, 1986).

15. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B", by the Office of United

States Chief of Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality, U. S.

Government Printing Office, (Washington, D.C., 1948), pp. 1597, 1686.

16. "Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation - [minutes of the] Meeting of

Board of Directors," October 31, 1930 (WAH papers), shows Averell Harriman

as Chairman of the Board.

Prescott Bush to W.A. Harriman, Memorandum December 19, 1930 on their

Harriman Fifteen Corp.

Annual Report of United Konigs and Laura Steel and Iron Works for the year

1930 (WAH papers) lists "Dr. Friedrich Flick ... Berlin" and "William

Averell Harriman ... New York" on the Board of Directors.

"Harriman Fifteen Coporation Securities Position February 28, 1931," WAH

papers. This report shows Harriman Fifteen Corporation holding 32,576

shares in Silesian Holding Co. V.T.C. worth (in scarce depression dollars)

$1,628,800, just over half the value of the Harriman Fifteen Corporation's

total holdings.

The "New York City Directory of Directors" volumes for the 1930s (available

at the Library of Congress) show Prescott Sheldon Bush and W. Averell

Harriman as the directors of Harriman Fifteen Corp.

"Appointments," (three typed pages) marked "Noted May 18 1931 W.A.H.,"

(among the papers from Prescott Bush's New York Office of Brown Brothers

Harriman, WAH papers), lists a meeting between Averell Harriman and

Friedrich Flick in Berlin at 4:00 P.M., Wednesday April 22, 1931. This was

followed immediately by a meeting with Wilhelm Cuno, chief executive of the

Hamburg-Amerika Line.

The "Report To the Stockholders of the Harriman Fifteen Corporation,"

October 19, 1933 (WAH papers) names G.H. Walker as president of the

corporation. It shows the Harriman Fifteen Corp.'s address as 1 Wall Street

-- the location of G.H. Walker and Co.

17. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B", "op. cit.," p. 1686.

18. Jim Flaherty (a BBH manager, Prescott Bush's employee), March 19, 1934

to W.A. Harriman.

"Dear Averell:

"In Roland's absence Pres[cott] thought it adviseable for me to let you

know that we received the following cable from [our European

representative] Rossi dated March 17th [relating to conflict with the

Polish government]...."

19. Harriman Fifteen Corporation notice to stockholders January 7, 1935,

under the name of George Walker, President.

20. Order No. 370: Silesian-American Corp. Executed November 17, 1942.

Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Prop. Custodian. F.R. Doc. 42-14183; Filed,

December 31, 1942; 8 Fed. Reg. 33 (Jan. 1, 1943).

The order confiscated the Nazis' holdings of 98,000 shares of common and 50,000 shares of preferred stock in


The Nazi parent company in Breslau, Germany wrote to Averell Harriman at 59

Wall St. on Aug. 5, 1940, with "an invitation to take part in the regular

meeting of the members of the Bergwerksgesellsc[h]aft Georg von Giesche's

Erben...." WAH papers.

21. Sept. 25, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of the Office of

Alien Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of

Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United

States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. See Record Group 131,

Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in file box relating to

Vesting Order Number 370.

22. George Walker was a director of American Ship and Commerce from its

organization through 1928. Consult "New York City Directory of Directors".

"Harriman Fifteen Corporation Securities Position February 28, 1931," "op.

cit." The report lists 46,861 shares in the American Ship & Commerce Corp.

See "Message from Mr. Bullfin," August 30, 1934 (Harriman Fifteen section,

WAH papers) for the joint supervision of Bush and Walker, respectively

director and president of the corporation.

23. Cuno was later exposed by Walter Funk, Third Reich Press Chief and

Under Secretary of Propaganda, in Funk's postwar jail cell at Nuremberg;

but Cuno had died just as Hitler was taking power. William L. Shirer, L.,

"The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich" (New York: Simon and Schuster,

1960), p. 144. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B", "op. cit.,"

p. 1688.

24. See "Elimination of German Resources for War," "op. cit.," pages

881-882 on Voegler.

See Annual Report of the

(Hamburg-Amerikanische-Packetfahrt-Aktien-Gesellschaft (Hapag or

Hamburg-Amerika Line), March 1931, for the board of directors. A copy is in

the New York Public Library Annex at 11th Avenue, Manhattan.

25. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression -- Supplement B," "op. cit.," pp. 1178,

1453-1454, 1597, 1599.

See "Elimination of German Resources for War," "op. cit.," pp. 870-72 on

Schroeder; p. 730 on Groeninger.

26. Annual Report of Hamburg-Amerika, "op. cit."

Baron Rudolph Schroeder, Sr. to Averell Harriman, November 14, 1932.

K[night] W[ooley] handwritten note and draft reply letter, December 9,


In his letter, Baron Rudolph refers to the family's American affiliate, J.

Henry Schroder [name anglicized], of which Allen Dulles was a director, and

his brother John Foster Dulles was the principal attorney.

Baron Bruno Schroder of the British branch was adviser to Bank of England

Governor Montagu Norman, and Baron Bruno's partner Frank Cyril Tiarks was

Norman's co-director of the Bank of England throughout Norman's career.

Kurt von Schroeder was Hjalmar Schacht's delegate to the Bank for

International Settlements in Geneva, where many of the financial

arrangements for the Nazi regime were made by Montagu Norman, Schacht and

the Schroeders for several years of the Hitler regime right up to the

outbreak of World War II.

27. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, "op. cit."

28. U.S. Senate "Nye Committee" hearings, Sept. 14, 1934, pp. 1197-1198,

extracts from letters of Col. William N. Taylor, dated June 27, 1932 and

January 9, 1933.

29. American Ship and Commerce Corporation to Dr. Max Warburg, March 7, 1933.

Max Warburg had brokered the sale of Hamburg-Amerika to Harriman and Walker

in 1920. Max's brothers controlled the Kuhn Loeb investment banking house

in New York, the firm which had staked old E.H. Harriman to his 1890s

buyout of the giant Union Pacific Railroad.

Max Warburg had long worked with Lord Milner and others of the racialist

British Round Table concerning joint projects in Africa and Eastern Europe.

He was an advisor to Hjalmar Schacht for several decades and was a top

executive of Hitler's Reichsbank. The reader may consult David Farrer, "The

Warburgs: The Story of A Family" (New York: Stein and Day, 1975).

30. Max Warburg, at M.M. Warburg and Co., Hamburg, to Averill [sic]

Harriman, c/o Messrs. Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 59 Wall Street, New

York, N.Y., March 27, 1933.

31. This correspondence, and the joint statement of the Jewish

organizations, are reproduced in Moshe R. Gottlieb, "American Anti-Nazi

Resistance, 1933-41: An Historical Analysis" (New York: Ktav Publishing

House, 1982).

32. "Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and Investigation of

Certain Other Propaganda Activities": Public Hearings before A Subcommittee

of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of

Representatives, Seventy Third Congress, New York City, July 9-12, 1934 --

Hearings No. 73-NY-7 (Washington, D.C., U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1934).

See testimony of Capt. Frederick C. Mensing, John Schroeder, Paul von

Lilienfeld-Toal, and summaries by Committee members.

See "New York Times," July 16, 1933, p. 12, for organizing of Nazi Labor

Front at North German Lloyd, leading to Hamburg-Amerika after merger.

33. American Ship and Commerce Corporation telegram to Rudolph Brinckmann

at M.M. Warburg, June 12, 1936.

Rudolph Brinckmann to Averell Harriman at 59 Wall St., June 20, 1936, with

enclosed note transmitting Helferrich's letter.

Reply to Dr. Rudolph Brinkmann c/o M.M. Warburg and Co, July 6, 1936, WAH

papers. The file copy of this letter carries no signature, but is

presumably from Averell Harriman.

34. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number 126. Signed by

Leo T. Crowley, Alien Property Custodian, executed August 28, 1942. F.R.

Doc. 42-8774; Filed September 4, 1942, 10:55 A.M.; 7 F.R. 7061 (Number 176,

Sept. 5, 1942.)

July 18, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of the Office of Alien

Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of

Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United

States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. See Record Group 131,

Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in file box relating to

Vesting Order Number 126.

35. "New York Times," May 20, 1933. Leading up to this agreement is a

telegram which somehow escaped the shredder. It is addressed to Nazi

official Hjalmar Schacht at the Mayflower Hotel, Washington, dated May 11,

1933: "Much disappointed to have missed seeing you Tueday afternoon.... I

hope to see you either in Washington or New York before you sail.

with my regards W.A. Harriman" (WAH papers).

36. Dulles to Bush, letter and draft reply in WAH papers.

37. "New York Times," Jan. 19, 1938.





Three Bush Family Alliances

"The [government] must put the most modern medical means in the service of

this knowledge.... Those who are physically and mentally unhealthy and

unworthy must not perpetuate their suffering in the body of their

children.... The prevention of the faculty and opportunity to procreate on

the part of the physically degenerate and mentally sick, over a period of

only 600 years, would ... free humanity from an immeasurable misfortune."

See #1

"The per capita income gap between the developed and the developing

countries is increasing, in large part the result of higher birth rates in

the poorer countries.... Famine in India, unwanted babies in the United

States, poverty that seemed to form an unbreakable chain for millions of

people -- how should we tackle these problems?.... It is quite clear that

one of the major challenges of the 1970s ... will be to curb the world's


These two quotations are alike in their mock show of concern for human

suffering, and in their cynical remedy for it: Big Brother must prevent the

"unworthy" or "unwanted" people from living.

Let us now further inquire into the family background of our President, so

as to help illustrate how the second quoted author, "George Bush" Note #1

came to share the outlook of the first, "Adolf Hitler". Note #2

We shall examine here the alliance of the Bush family with three other

families: "Farish, Draper" and "Gray."

The private associations among these families have led to the President's

relationship to his closest, most confidential advisers. These alliances

were forged in the earlier Hitler project and its immediate aftermath.

Understanding them will help us to explain George Bush's obsession with the

supposed overpopulation of the world's non-Anglo-Saxons, and the dangerous

means he has adopted to deal with this "problem."


Bush and Farish

When George Bush was elected vice president in 1980, Texas mystery man

William Stamps Farish III took over management of all of George Bush's

personal wealth in a "blind trust." Known as one of the richest men in

Texas, Will Farish keeps his business affairs under the most intense

secrecy. Only the source of his immense wealth is known, not its

employment. Note #3

Will Farish has long been Bush's closest friend and confidante. He is also

the unique private host to Britain's Queen Elizabeth: Farish owns and

boards the studs which mate with the Queen's mares. That is her public

rationale when she comes to America and stays in Farish's house. It is a

vital link in the mind of our Anglophile President.

President Bush can count on Farish not to betray the violent secrets

surrounding the Bush family money. For Farish's own family fortune was made

in the same Hitler project, in a nightmarish partnership with George Bush's


On March 25, 1942, U.S. Assistant Attorney General Thurman Arnold announced

that William Stamps Farish (grandfather of the President's money manager)

had pleaded "no contest" to charges of criminal conspiracy with the Nazis.

Farish was the principal manager of a worldwide cartel between Standard Oil

Co. of New Jersey and the I.G. Farben concern. The merged enterprise had

opened the Auschwitz slave labor camp on June 14, 1940, to produce

artificial rubber and gasoline from coal. The Hitler government supplied

political opponents and Jews as the slaves, who were worked to near death

and then murdered.

Arnold disclosed that Standard Oil of New Jersey (later known as Exxon), of

which Farish was president and chief executive, had agreed to stop hiding

from the United States patents for artificial rubber which the company had

provided to the Nazis. Note #4

A Senate investigating committee under Senator (later U.S. President) Harry

Truman of Missouri had called Arnold to testify at hearings on

corporations' collaboration with the Nazis. The Senators expressed outrage

at the cynical way Farish was continuing an alliance with the Hitler regime

that had begun back in 1933, when Farish became chief of Jersey Standard.

Didn't he know there was a war on?

The Justice Department laid before the committee a letter, written to

Standard president Farish by his vice president, shortly after the

beginning of World War II (September 1, 1939) in Europe. The letter

concerned a renewal of their earlier agreements with the Nazis:

Report on European Trip Oct. 12, 1939 Mr. W.S. Farish 30 Rockefeller Plaza

Dear Mr. Farish:

... I stayed in France until Sept. 17th.... In England I met by appointment

the Royal Dutch [Shell Oil Co.] gentlemen from Holland, and ... a general

agreement was reached on the necessary changes in our relations with the

I.G. [Farben], in view of the state of war.... [T]he Royal Dutch Shell

group is essentially British.... I also had several meetings with ... the

[British] Air Ministry....

I required help to obtain the necessary permission to go to Holland....

After discussions with the [American] Ambassador [Joseph Kennedy] .. the

situation was cleared completely.... The gentlemen in the Air Ministry ...

very kindly offered to assist me [later] in reentering England....

Pursuant to these arrangements, I was able to keep my appointments in

Holland [having flown there on a British Royal Air Force bomber], where I

had three days of discussion with the representatives of I.G. They

delivered to me assignments of some 2,000 foreign patents and "we did our

best to work out complete plans for a modus vivendi which could operate

through the term of the war, whether or not the U.S. came in...." [emphasis


Very truly yours, F[rank] A. Howard Note #5

Here are some cold realities behind the tragedy of World War II, which help

explain the Bush-Farish family alliance -- andtheir peculiar closeness to

the Queen of England:

Note #b|Shell Oil is principally owned by the British Royal family.

Shell's chairman, Sir Henri Deterding, helped sponsor Hitler's rise to

power, Note #6 by arrangement with the Royal Family's Bank of England

Governor, Montagu Norman. Their ally, Standard Oil, would take part in the

Hitler project right up to the bloody, gruesome end.

Note #b|When grandfather Farish signed the Justice Department's consent

decree in March 1942, the government had already started picking its way

through the tangled web of world-monopoly oil and chemical agreements

between Standard Oil and the Nazis. Many patents and other Nazi-owned

aspects of the partnership had been seized by the U.S. Alien Property


Uncle Sam would not seize Prescott Bush's Union Banking Corporation for

another seven months.

The Bush-Farish axis had begun back in 1929. In that year, the Harriman

bank bought Dresser Industries, supplier of oil-pipeline couplers to

Standard and other companies. Prescott Bush became a director and financial

czar of Dresser, installing his Yale classmate Neil Mallon as chairman.

Note #7 George Bush would later name one of his sons after the Dresser


William S. Farish was the main organizer of the Humble Oil Co. of Texas,

which Farish merged into the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. Farish

built up the Humble-Standard empire of pipelines and refineries in Texas.

Note #8

The stock market crashed just after the Bush family got into the oil

business. The world financial crisis led to the merger of the

Walker-Harriman bank with Brown Brothers in 1931. Former Brown partner

Montagu Norman and his protege Hjalmar Schacht, who was to become Hitler's

economics minister, paid frantic visits to New York that year and the next,

preparing the new Hitler regime for Germany.


The Congress on Eugenics

The most important American political event in those preparations for

Hitler was the infamous Third International Congress on Eugenics, held at

New York's American Museum of Natural History August 21-23, 1932,

supervised by the International Federation of Eugenics Societies. Note #9

This meeting took up the stubborn persistence of African-Americans and

other allegedly "inferior" and "socially inadequate" groups in reproducing,

expanding their numbers, and "amalgamating" with others. It was recommended

that these "dangers" to the "better" ethnic groups and to the "well-born,"

could be dealt with by sterilization or "cutting off the bad stock" of the


Italy's fascist government sent an official representative. Averell

Harriman's sister Mary, director of "entertainment" for the Congress, lived

down in Virginia fox-hunting country; her state supplied the speaker on

"racial purity," W.A. Plecker, Virginia commissioner of vital statistics.

Plecker reportedly held the delegates spellbound with his account of the

struggle to stop race-mixing and interracial sex in Virginia.

The Congress proceedings were dedicated to Averell Harriman's mother; she

had paid for the founding of the race-science movement in America back in

1910, building the Eugenics Record Office as a branch of the Galton

National Laboratory in London. She and other Harrimans were usually

escorted to the horse races by old George Herbert Walker -- they shared

with the Bushes and the Farishes a fascination with "breeding

thoroughbreds" among horses and humans. Note #1 Note #0

Averell Harriman personally arranged with the Walker/Bush Hamburg-Amerika

Line to transport Nazi ideologues from Germany to New York for this

meeting. Note #1 Note #1 The most famous among those transported was Dr.

Ernst Rudin, psychiatrist at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Genealogy and

Demography in Berlin, where the Rockefeller family paid for Dr. Rudin to

occupy an entire floor with his eugenics "research." Dr. Rudin had

addressed the International Federation's 1928 Munich meeting, speaking on

"Mental Aberration and Race Hygiene," while others (Germans and Americans)

spoke on race-mixing and sterilization of the unfit. Rudin had led the

German delegation to the 1930 Mental Hygiene Congress in Washington, D.C.

At the Harrimans' 1932 New York Eugenics Congress, Ernst Rudin was

unanimously elected President of the International Federation of Eugenics

Societies. This was recognition of Rudin as founder of the German Society

for Race Hygiene, with his co-founder, Eugenics Federation vice president

Alfred Ploetz.

As depression-maddened financiers schemed in Berlin and New York, Rudin was

now official leader of the world eugenics movement. Components of his

movement included groups with overlapping leadership, dedicated to:

Note #b|sterilization of mental patients ("mental hygiene societies");

Note #b|execution of the insane, criminals and the terminally ill

("euthanasia societies"); and

Note #b|eugenical race-purification by prevention of births to parents

from inferior blood stocks ("birth control societies").

Before the Auschwitz death camp became a household word, these

British-American-European groups called openly for the elimination of the

"unfit" by means including force and violence. Note #1 Note #2

Ten months later, in June 1933, Hitler's interior minister Wilhelm Frick

spoke to a eugenics meeting in the new Third Reich. Frick called the

Germans a "degenerate" race, denouncing one-fifth of Germany's parents for

producing "feeble-minded" and "defective" children. The following month, on

a commission by Frick, Dr. Ernst Rudin wrote the "Law for the Prevention of

Hereditary Diseases in Posterity," the sterilization law modeled on

previous U.S. statutes in Virginia and other states.

Special courts were soon established for the sterilization of German mental

patients, the blind, the deaf, and alcoholics. A quarter million people in

these categories were sterilized. Rudin, Ploetz, and their colleagues

trained a whole generation of physicians and psychiatrists -- as

sterilizers and as killers.

When the war started, the eugenicists, doctors, and psychiatrists staffed

the new "T4" agency, which planned and supervised the mass killings: first

at "euthanasia centers," where the same categories which had first been

subject to sterilization were now to be murdered, their brains sent in lots

of 200 to experimental psychiatrists; then at slave camps such as

Auschwitz; and finally, for Jews and other race victims, at straight

extermination camps in Poland, such as Treblinka and Belsen. Note #1 Note


In 1933, as what Hitler called his "New Order" appeared, John D.

Rockefeller, Jr. appointed William S. Farish the chairman of Standard Oil

Co. of New Jersey (in 1937 he was made president and chief executive).

Farish moved his offices to Rockefeller Center, New York, where he spent a

good deal of time with Hermann Schmitz, chairman of I.G. Farben; his

company paid a publicity man, Ivy Lee, to write pro-I.G. Farben and

pro-Nazi propaganda and get it into the U.S. press.

Now that he was outside of Texas, Farish found himself in the shipping

business -- like the Bush family. He hired Nazi German crews for Standard

Oil tankers. And he hired "Emil Helfferich," chairman of the

Walker/Bush/Harriman Hamburg-Amerika Line, as chairman also of the Standard

Oil Company subsidiary in Germany. Karl Lindemann, board member of

Hamburg-Amerika, also became a top Farish-Standard executive in Germany.

Note #1 Note #4

This interlock between their Nazi German operations put Farish together

with Prescott Bush in a small, select group of men operating from abroad

through Hitler's "revolution," and calculating that they would never be


In 1939, Farish's daughter Martha married Averell Harriman's nephew, Edward

Harriman Gerry, and Farish in-laws became Prescott Bush's partners at 59

Broadway. Note #1 Note #5

Both Emil Helfferich and Karl Lindemann were authorized to write checks to

Heinrich Himmler, chief of the Nazi SS, on a special Standard Oil account.

This account was managed by the German-British-American banker, Kurt von

Schroeder. According to U.S. intelligence d ocuments reviewed by author

Anthony Sutton, Helfferich continued his payments to the SS into 1944, when

the SS was supervising the mass murder at the Standard-I.G. Farben

Auschwitz and other death camps. Helfferich told Allied interrogators after

the war that these were not his personal contributions -- they were

corporate Standard Oil funds. Note #1 Note #6

After pleading "no contest" to charges of criminal conspiracy with the

Nazis, William Stamps Farish was fined $5,000. (Similar fines were levied

against Standard Oil -- $5,000 each for the parent company and for several

subsidiaries.) This of course did not interfere with the millions of

dollars that Farish had acquired in conjunction with Hitler's New Order, as

a large stockholder, chairman, and president of Standard Oil. All the

government sought was the use of patents which his company had given to the

Nazis -- the Auschwitz patents -- but had withheld from the U.S. military

and industry.

But a war was on, and if young men were to be asked to die fighting Hitler

.. something more was needed. Farish was hauled before the Senate committee

investigating the national defense program. The committee chairman, Senator

Harry Truman, told newsmen before Farish testified: "I think this

approaches treason." Note #1 Note #7

Farish began breaking apart at these hearings. He shouted his "indignation"

at the senators, and claimed he was not "disloyal."

After the March-April hearings ended, more dirt came gushing out of the

Justice Department and the Congress on Farish and Standard Oil. Farish had

deceived the U.S. Navy to prevent the Navy from acquiring certain patents,

while supplying them to the Nazi war machine; meanwhile, he was supplying

gasoline and tetraethyl lead to Germany's submarines and air force.

Communications between Standard and I.G. Farben from the outbreak of World

War II were released to the Senate, showing that Farish's organization had

arranged to deceive the U.S. government into passing over Nazi-owned

assets: They would nominally buy I.G.'s share in certain patents because

"in the event of war between ourselves and Germany ... it would certainly

be very undesireable to have this 20 percent Standard-I.G. pass to an alien

property custodian of the U.S. who might sell it to an unfriendly

interest." Note #1 Note #8

John D. Rockefeller, Jr. (father of David, Nelson, and John D. Rockefeller

III), the controlling owner of Standard Oil, told the Roosevelt

administration that he knew nothing of the day-to-day affairs of his

company, that all these matters were handled by Farish and other

executives. Note #1 Note #9

In August, Farish was brought back for more testimony. He was now

frequently accused of lying. Farish was crushed under the intense, public

grilling; he became morose, ashen. While Prescott Bush escaped publicity

when the government seized his Nazi banking organization in October, Farish

had been nailed. He collapsed and died of a heart attack on November 29,


The Farish family was devastated by the exposure. Son William Stamps

Farish, Jr., a lieutenant in the Army Air Force, was humiliated by the

public knowledge that his father was fueling the enemy's aircraft; he died

in a training accident in Texas six months later. Note #2 Note #0

With this double death, the fortune comprising much of Standard Oil's

profits from Texas and Nazi Germany was now to be settled upon the little

four-year-old grandson, William ("Will") Stamps Farish III. Will Farish

grew up a recluse, the most secretive multimillionaire in Texas, with

investments of "that money" in a multitude of foreign countries, and a host

of exotic contacts overlapping the intelligence and financial worlds --

particularly in Britain.

The Bush-Farish axis started George Bush's career. After his 1948

graduation from Yale (and the Skull and Bones secret society), George Bush

flew down to Texas on a corporate jet and was employed by his father's

Dresser Industries. In a couple of years he got help from his uncle, George

Walker, Jr., and Farish's British banker friends, to set him up in the oil

property speculation business. Soon thereafter, George Bush founded the

Zapata Oil Company, which put oil drilling rigs into certain locations of

great strategic interest to the Anglo-American intelligence community.

Twenty-five-year-old Will Farish was personal aide to Zapata chairman

George Bush in Bush's unsuccessful 1964 campaign for Senate. Farish used

"that Auschwitz money" to back George Bush financially, investing in

Zapata. When Bush was elected to Congress in 1966, Farish joined the Zapata

board. Note #2 Note #1

When George Bush became U.S. vice president in 1980, the Farish and Bush

family fortunes were again completely, secretly commingled. As we shall

see, the old projects were now being revived on a breathtaking scale.


Bush and Draper

Twenty years before he was U.S. President, George Bush brought two

"race-science" professors in front of the Republican Task Force on Earth

Resources and Population. As chairman of the Task Force, then-Congressman

Bush invited Professors William Shockley and Arthur Jensen to explain to

the committee how allegedly runaway birth-rates for African-Americans were

"down-breeding" the American population.

Afterwards, Bush personally summed up for the Congress the testimony his

black-inferiority advocates had given to the Task Force. Note #2 Note #2

George Bush held his hearings on the threat posed by black babies on August

5, 1969, while much of the world was in a better frame of mind --

celebrating mankind's progress from the first moon landing 16 days earlier.

Bush's obsessive thinking on this subject was guided by his family's

friend, Gen. William H. Draper, Jr., the founder and chairman of the

Population Crisis Committee, and vice chairman of the Planned Parenthood

Federation. Draper had long been steering U.S. public discussion about the

so-called "population bomb" in the non-white areas of the world.

If Congressman Bush had explained to his colleagues "how his family had

come to know General Draper," they would perhaps have felt some alarm, or

even panic, and paid more healthy attention to Bush's presentation.

Unfortunately, the Draper-Bush population doctrine is now official U.S.

foreign policy.

William H. Draper, Jr. had joined the Bush team in 1927, when he was hired

by Dillon Read & Co., New York investment bankers. Draper was put into a

new job slot at the firm: handling the Thyssen account.

We recall that in 1924, Fritz Thyssen set up his Union Banking Corporation

in George Herbert Walker's bank at 39 Broadway, Manhattan. Dillon Read &

Co.'s boss, Clarence Dillon, had begun working with Fritz Thyssen some time

after Averell Harriman first met with Thyssen -- at about the time Thyssen

began financing Adolf Hitler's political career.

In January 1926, Dillon Read created the "German Credit and Investment

Corporation" in Newark, New Jersey and Berlin, Germany, as Thyssen's

short-term banker. That same year, Dillon Read created the "Vereinigte

Stahlwerke" (German Steel Trust), incorporating the Thyssen family

interests under the direction of New York and London finance. Note #2 Note


William H. Draper, Jr. was made director, vice president, and assistant

treasurer of the German Credit and Investment Corp. His business was

short-term loans and financial management tricks for Thyssen and the German

Steel Trust. Draper's clients sponsored Hitler's terroristic takeover; his

clients led the buildup of the Nazi war industry; his clients made war

against the United States. The Nazis were Draper's direct partners in

Berlin and New Jersey: Alexander Kreuter, residing in Berlin, was

president; Frederic Brandi, whose father was a top coal executive in the

German Steel Trust, moved to the United States in 1926 and served as

Draper's co-director in Newark.

Draper's role was crucial for Dillon Read & Co., for whom Draper was a

partner and eventually vice president. The German Credit and Investment

Corp. (GCI) was a "front" for Dillon Read: It had the same New Jersey

address as U.S. & International Securities Corp. (USIS), and the same man

served as treasu rer of both firms. Note #2 Note #4

Clarence Dillon and his son C. Douglas Dillon were directors of USIS, which

was spotlighted when Clarence Dillon was hauled before the Senate Banking

Committee's famous "Pecora" hearings in 1933. USIS was shown to be one of

the great speculative pyramid schemes which had swindled stockholders of

hundreds of millions of dollars. These investment policies had rotted the

U.S. economy to the core, and led to the Great Depression of the 1930s.

But William H. Draper, Jr.'s GCI "front" was not "apparently" affiliated

with the USIS "front" or with Dillon, and the GCI escaped the congressmen's

limited scrutiny. This oversight was to prove most unfortunate,

particularly to the 50 million people who subsequently died in World War


Dillon Read hired public relations man Ivy Lee to prepare their executives

for their testimony and to confuse and further baffle the congressmen. Note

#2 Note #5 Lee apparently took enough time out from his duties as

image-maker for William S. Farish and the Nazi I.G. Farben Co.; he managed

the congressional thinking so that the congressmen did not disturb the

Draper operation in Germany -- and did not meddle with Thyssen, or

interfere with Hitler's U.S. moneymen.

Thus, in 1932, Willam H. Draper, Jr. was free to finance the International

Eugenics Congress as a "Supporting Member." Note #2 Note #6 Was he using

his own income as a Thyssen trust banker? Or did the funds come from Dillon

Read corporate accounts, perhaps to be written off income tax as "expenses

for German project: race purification"? Draper helped select Ernst Rudin as

chief of the world eugenics movement, who used his office to promote what

he called Adolf Hitler's "holy, national and international racial hygienic

mission." Note #2 Note #7

W.S. Farish was publicly exposed in 1942, humiliated and destroyed. Just

before Farish died, Prescott Bush's Nazi banking office was quietly seized

and shut down. But Prescott's close friend and partner in the

Thyssen-Hitler business, William H. Draper, Jr., "neither died nor moved

out of German affairs." Draper listed himself as a director of the German

Credit and Investment Corp. through 1942, and the firm was not liquidated

until November 1943. Note #2 Note #8 But a war was on. Draper, a colonel

from previous military service, went off to the Pacific theater and became

a general.

General Draper apparently had a hobby: magic -- illusions, sleight of hand,

etc. -- and he was a member of the Society of American Magicians. This is

not irrelevant to his subsequent career.

The Nazi regime surrendered in May 1945. In July 1945, General Draper was

called to Europe by the American military government authorities in

Germany. Draper was appointed head of the Economics Division of the U.S.

Control Commission. He was assigned to take apart the Nazi corporate

cartels. There is an astonishing but perfectly logical rationale to this --

Draper knew a lot about the subject! General Draper, who had spent about 15

years financing and managing the dirtiest of the Nazi enterprises, was now

authorized to decide "who was exposed, who lost and who kept his business,

and in practical effect, who was prosecuted for war crimes." Note #2 Note


(Draper was not unique within the postwar occupation government. Consider

the case of John J. McCloy, U.S. Military Governor and High Commissioner of

Germany, 1949-1952. Under instructions from his Wall Street law firm,

McCloy had lived for a year in Italy, serving as an adviser to the fascist

government of Benito Mussolini. An intimate collaborator of the

Harriman/Bush bank, McCloy had sat in Adolf Hitler's box at the 1936

Olympic games in Berlin, at the invitation of Nazi chieftains Rudolf Hess

and Hermann Goering.) Note #3 Note #0

William H. Draper, Jr., as a "conservative," was paired with the "liberal"

U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau in a vicious game. Morgenthau

demanded that Germany be utterly destroyed as a nation, that its industry

be dismantled and it be reduced to a purely rural country. As the economic

boss in 1945 and 1946, Draper "protected" Germany from the Morgenthau Plan

... but at a price.

Draper and his colleagues demanded that Germany and the world accept the

"collective guilt of the German people" as "the "explanation for the rise

of Hitler's New Order, and the Nazi war crimes. This, of course, was rather

convenient for General Draper himself, as it was for the Bush family. It is

still convenient decades later, allowing Prescott's son, President Bush, to

lecture Germany on the danger of Hitlerism. Germans are too slow, it seems,

to accept his New World Order.

After several years of government service (often working directly for

Averell Harriman in the North Atlantic Alliance), Draper was appointed in

1958 chairman of a committee which was to advise President Dwight

Eisenhower on the proper course for U.S. military aid to other countries.

At that time, Prescott Bush was a U.S. senator from Connecticut, a

confidential friend and golf partner with National Security Director Gordon

Gray, and an important golf partner with Dwight Eisenhower as well.

Prescott's old lawyer from the Nazi days, John Foster Dulles, was Secretary

of State, and his brother Allen Dulles, formerly of the Schroder bank, was

head of the CIA.

This friendly environment emboldened our General Draper to pull off a stunt

with his military aid advisery committee. He changed the subject under

study. The following year, the Draper committee recommended that the U.S.

government react to the supposed threat of the "population explosion" by

formulating plans to depopulate the poorer countries. The growth of the

world's non-white population, he proposed, should be regarded as dangerous

to the national security of the United States! Note #3 Note #1

President Eisenhower rejected the recommendation. But in the next decade,

General Draper founded the "Population Crisis Committee" and the "Draper

Fund," joining with the Rockefeller and DuPont families to promote eugenics

as "population control." The administration of President Lyndon Johnson,

advised by Draper on the subject, began financing birth control in the

tropical countries through the Agency for International Development.

General William Draper was George Bush's guru on the population question.

Note #3 Note #2 But there was also Draper's money -- from that uniquely

horrible source -- and Draper's connections on Wall Street and abroad.

Draper's son and heir, William H. Draper III, was co-chairman for finance

(chief of fundraising) of the Bush-for-President national campaign

organization in 1980. With George Bush in the White House, the younger

Draper heads up the depopulation activities of the United Nations

throughout the world.

Draper was vice president of Dillon Read until 1953. During the 1950s and

1960s, the chief executive there was Frederic Brandi, the German who was

Draper's co-director for the Nazi investments and his personal contact man

with the Nazi Steel Trust. Nicholas Brady was Brandi's partner from 1954,

and replaced him as the firm's chief executive in 1971. Nicholas Brady, who

knows where all the bodies are buried, was chairman of his friend George

Bush's 1980 election campaign in New Jersey, and has been United States

Treasury Secretary throughout Bush's presidency. Note #3 Note #3


Bush and Grey

The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) says that surgical

sterilization is the Bush administration's "first choice" method of

population reduction in the Third World. Note #3 Note #4

The United Nations Population Fund claims that 37 percent of contraception

users in Ibero-America and the Caribbean have already been surgically

sterilized. In a 1991 report, William H. Draper III's U.N. agency asserts

that 254 million couples will be surgically sterilized over the course of

the 1990s; and that if present trends continue, 80 percent of the women in

Puerto Rico and Panama will be surgically sterilized. Note #3 Note #5

The U.S. government pays directly for these sterilizations.

Mexico is first among targeted nations, on a list which was drawn up in

July 1991, at a USAID str ategy session. India and Brazil are second and

third priorities, respectively.

On contract with the Bush administration, U.S. personnel are working from

bases in Mexico to perform surgery on millions of Mexican men and women.

The acknowledged strategy in this program is to sterilize those young

adults who have not already completed their families.

George Bush has a rather deep-seated personal feeling about this project,

in particular as it pits him against Pope John Paul II in Catholic

countries such as Mexico. (See Chapter 4 below, on the origin of a

Bush-family grudge in this regard.)

The spending for birth control in the non-white countries is one of the few

items that is headed upwards in the Bush administration budget. As its 1992

budget was being set, USAID said its Population Account would receive $300

million, a 20 percent increase over the previous year. Within this project,

a significant sum is spent on political and psychological manipulations of

target nations, and rather blatant subversion of their religions and

governments. Note #3 Note #6

These activities might be expected to cause serious objections from the

victimized nationalities, or from U.S. taxpayers, especially if the program

is somehow given widespread publicity.

Quite aside from moral considerations, "legal" questions would naturally

arise, which could be summed up: "How does George Bush think he can get

away with this?"

In this matter the President has expert advice. Mr. (Clayland) Boyden Gray

has been counsel to George Bush since the 1980 election. As chief legal

officer in the White House, Boyden Gray can walk the President through the

dangers and complexities of waging such unusual warfare against Third World

populations. Gray knows how these things are done.

When Boyden Gray was four and five years old, his father organized the

pilot project for the present worldwide sterilization program, from the

Gray family household in North Carolina.

It started in 1946. The eugenics movement was looking for a way to begin

again in America.

Nazi death camps such as Auschwitz had just then seared the conscience of

the world. The Sterilization League of America, which had changed its name

during the war to "Birthright, Inc.," wanted to start up again. First they

had to overcome public nervousness about crackpots proposing to eliminate

"inferior" and "defective" people. The League tried to surface in Iowa, but

had to back off because of negative publicity: a little boy had recently

been sterilized there and had died from the operation.

They decided on North Carolina, where the Gray family could play the

perfect host. Note #3 Note #7 Through British imperial contacts, Boyden

Gray's grandfather Bowman Gray had become principal owner of the R.J.

Reynolds Tobacco Co. Boyden's father, Gordon Gray, had recently founded the

Bowman Gray (memorial) Medical School in Winston-Salem, using his inherited

cigarette stock shares. The medical school was already a eugenics center.

As the experiment began, Gordon Gray's great aunt, Alice Shelton Gray, who

had raised him from childhood, was living in his household. Aunt Alice had

founded the "Human Betterment League," the North Carolina branch of the

national eugenical sterilization movement.

Aunt Alice was the official supervisor of the 1946-47 experiment. Working

under Miss Gray was Dr. Claude Nash Herndon, whom Gordon Gray had made

assistant professor of "medical genetics" at Bowman Gray medical school.

Dr. Clarence Gamble, heir to the Proctor and Gamble soap fortune, was the

sterilizers' national field operations chief.

The experiment worked as follows. "All children enrolled in the school

district of Winston-Salem, N.C., were given a special "intelligence test."

Those children who scored below a certain arbitrary low mark were then cut

open and surgically sterilized."

We quote now from the official story of the project: "In Winston-Salem and

in [nearby] Orange County, North Carolina, the [Sterilization League's]

field committee had participated in testing projects to identify school age

children who should be considered for sterilization. The project in Orange

County was conducted by the University of North Carolina and wasfinanced

by a 'Mr. Hanes,' a friend of Clarence Gamble and supporter of the field

work project in North Carolina. The Winston-Salem project was also financed

by Hanes. ["Hanes" was underwear mogul James Gordon Hanes, a trustee of

Bowman Gray Medical School and treasurer of Alice Gray's group]....

"The medical school had a long history of interest in eugenics and had

compiled extensive histories of families carrying inheritable disease. In

1946, Dr. C. Nash Herndon ... made a statement to the press on the use of

sterilization to prevent the spread of inheritable diseases....

"The first step after giving the mental tests to grade school children was

to interpret and make public the results. In Orange County the results

indicated that three percent of the school age children were either insane

or feebleminded.... [Then] the field committee hired a social worker to

review each case ... and to present any cases in which sterilization was

indicated to the State Eugenics Board, which under North Carolina law had

the authority to order sterilization...."

Race science experimenter Dr. Claude Nash Herndon provided more details in

an interview in 1990: Note #3 Note #8

"Alice Gray was the general supervisor of the project. She and Hanes sent

out letters promoting the program to the commissioners of all 100 counties

in North Carolina.... What did I do? Nothing besides riding herd on the

whole thing! The social workers operated out of my office. I was at the

time also director of outpatient services at North Carolina Baptist

Hospital. We would see the [targeted] parents and children there.... I.Q.

tests were run on all the children in the Winston-Salem public school

system. Only the ones who scored really low [were targeted for

sterilization], the real bottom of the barrel, like below 70.

"Did we do sterilizations on young children? Yes. This was a relatively

minor operation.... It was usually not until the child was eight or ten

years old. For the boys, you just make an incision and tie the tube.... We

more often performed the operation on girls than with boys. Of course, you

have to cut open the abdomen, but again, it is relatively minor."

Dr. Herndon remarked coolly that "we had a very good relationship with the

press" for the project. This is not surprising, since Gordon Gray owned the

"Winston-Salem Journal," the "Twin City Sentinel," and radio station WSJS.

In 1950 and 1951, John Foster Dulles, then chairman of the Rockefeller

Foundation, led John D. Rockefeller III on a series of world tours,

focusing on the need to stop the expansion of the non-white populations. In

November 1952, Dulles and Rockefeller set up the Population Council, with

tens of millions of dollars from the Rockefeller family.

At that point, the American Eugenics Society, still cautious from the

recent bad publicity vis-a-vis Hitler, left its old headquarters at Yale

University. The Society moved its headquarters into the office of the

Population Council, and the two groups melded together. The long-time

secretary of the Eugenics Society, Frederick Osborne, became the first

president of the Population Council. The Gray family's child-sterilizer,

Dr. C. Nash Herndon, became president of the American Eugenics Society in

1953, as its work expanded under Rockefeller patronage.

Meanwhile, the International Planned Parenthood Federation was founded in

London, in the offices of the British Eugenics Society.

The undead enemy from World War II, renamed "Population Control," had now

been revived.

George Bush was U.S. ambassador to the United Nations in 1972, when with

prodding from Bush and his friends, the United States Agency for

International Development first made an official contract with the old

Sterilization League of America. The league had changed its name twice

again, and was now called the "Association for Voluntary Surgical

Contraception." The U.S. government began paying the old fascist group to

ster ilize non-whites in foreign countries.

The Gray family experiment had succeeded.

In 1988, the U.S. Agency for International Development signed its latest

contract with the old Sterilization League (a.k.a. "Association for

Voluntary Sterilization"), committing the U.S. government to spend $80

million over five years.

Having gotten away with sterilizing several hundred North Carolina school

children, "not usually less than eight to ten years old," the identical

group is now authorized by President Bush to do it to 58 countries in Asia,

Africa, and Ibero-America. The group modestly claims it has directly

sterilized only 2 million people, with 87 percent of the bill paid by U.S.


Meanwhile, Dr. Clarence Gamble, Boyden Gray's favorite soap manufacturer,

formed his own "Pathfinder Fund" as a split-off from the Sterlization

League. Gamble's Pathfinder Fund, with additional millions from USAID,

concentrates on penetration of local social groups in the non-white

countries, to break down psychological resistance to the surgical

sterilization teams.


Notes - Chapter 3

1. Phyllis Tilson Piotrow, "World Population Crisis: The United States

Response" (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), "Forward" by George H.W.

Bush, pp. vii-viii.

2. Adolf Hitler, "Mein Kampf" (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1971), p. 404.

3. "The Ten Richest People in Houston," in "Houston Post Magazine," March

11, 1984. "$150 milion to $250 million from ... inheritance, plus

subsequent investments ... chief heir to a family fortune in oil stock....

As to his financial interests, he is ... coy. He once described one of his

businesses as a company that 'invests in and oversees a lot of smaller

companies ... in a lot of foreign countries.'|"

4. The announcements were made in testimony before a Special Committee of

the U.S. Senate Investigating the National Defense Program. The hearings on

Standard Oil were held March 5, 24, 26, 27, 31, and April 1, 2, 3 and 7,

1942. Available on microfiche, law section, Library of Congress. See also

"New York Times," March 26 and March 27, 1942, and "Washington Evening

Star," March 26 and March 27, 1942.

5. "Ibid.," Exhibit No. 368, printed on pp. 4584-87 of the hearing record.

See also Charles Higham, "Trading With The Enemy" (New York: Delacorte

Press, 1983), p. 36.

6. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, "op. cit.," chapter

2. Sir Henri Deterding was among the most notorious pro-Nazis of the early

war period.

7. See sections on Prescott Bush in Darwin Payne, "Initiative in Energy:

Dresser Industries, Inc." (New York: Distributed by Simon and Schuster,

1979) (published by the Dresser Company).

8. William Stamps Farish obituary, "New York Times," Nov. 30, 1942.

9. "A Decade of Progress in Eugenics: Scientific Papers of the Third

International Congress of Eugenics held at American Museum of Natural

History New York, August 21-23, 1932." (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins

Company, September, 1934).

The term "eugenics" is taken from the Greek to signify "good birth" or

"well-born," as in aristocrat. Its basic assumption is that those who are

not "well-born" should not exist.

10. See among other such letters, George Herbert Walker, 39 Broadway, N.Y.,

to W. A. Harriman, London, February 21, 1925, in W.A. Harriman papers.

11. Averell Harriman to Dr. Charles B. Davenport, President, The

International Congress of Eugenics, Cold Spring Harbor, L.I., N.Y.:

January 21, 1932

Dear Dr. Davenport:

I will be only too glad to put you in touch with the Hamburg-American Line

.. they may be able to co-operate in making suggestions which will keep the

expenses to a minimum. I have referred your letter to Mr. Emil Lederer [of

the Hamburg-Amerika executive board in New York] with the request that he

communicate with you.

Davenport to Mr. W.A. Harriman, 59 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.

January 23, 1932

Dear Mr. Harriman:

Thank you very much for your kind letter of January 21st and the action you

took which has resulted at once in a letter from Mr. Emil Lederer. This

letter will serve as a starting point for correspondence, which I hope will

enable more of our German colleagues to come to America on the occasion of

the congresses of eugenics and genetics, than otherwise.

Congressional hearings in 1934 established that Hamburg-Amerika routinely

provided free transatlantic passage for those carrying out Nazi propaganda

chores. See "Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and Investigation

of Certain Other Propaganda Activities," "op. cit.," chapter 2.

12. Alexis Carrel, "Man the Unknown" (New York: Halcyon House, published by

arrangement with Harper & Brothers, 1935), pp. 318-19.

The battle cry of the New Order was sounded in 1935 with the publication of

"Man the Unknown," by Dr. Alexis Carrel of the Rockefeller Institute in New

York. This Nobel Prize-winner said "enormous sums are now required to

maintain prisons and insane asylums.... Why do we preserve these useless

and harmful beings? This fact must be squarely faced. Why should society

not dispose of the criminals and the insane in a more economical manner?

... The community must be protected against troublesome and dangerous

elements.... Perhaps prisons should be abolished.... The conditioning of

the petty criminal with the whip, or some more scientific procedure,

followed by a short stay in hospital, would probably suffice to insure

order. [Criminals, including those] who have ... misled the public on

important matters, should be humanely and economically disposed of in small

euthanasic institutions supplied with proper gases. A similar treatment

could be advantageously applied to the insane, guilty of criminal acts."

Carrel claimed to have transplanted the head of a dog to another dog and

kept it alive for quite some time.

13. Bernhard Schreiber, "The Men Behind Hitler: A German Warning to the

World," France: La Hay-Mureaux, ca. 1975), English language edition

supplied by H. & P. Tadeusz, 369 Edgewere Road, London W2. A copy of this

book is now held by Union College Library, Syracuse, N.Y.

14. Higham, "op. cit.," p. 35.

15. Engagement announced Feb. 10, 1939, "New York Times," p. 20. See also

"Directory of Directors" for New York City, 1930s and 1940s.

16. Higham, "op. cit.," pp. 20, 22 and other references to Schroeder and


Anthony Sutton, "Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler" (Seal Beach: '76

Press, 1976). Sutton is also a good source on the Harrimans.

17. "Washington Evening Star," March 27, 1942, p. 1.

18. Higham, "op. cit." p. 50.

19. "Ibid.," p. 48.

20. "Washington Post," April 29, 1990, p. F4. Higham, "op. cit.," pp. 52-53.

21. Zapata annual reports, 1950s-1960s, Library of Congress microforms.

22. See "Congressional Record" for Bush speech in the House of

Representatives, Sept. 4, 1969. Bush inserted in the r